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THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. 



REMONSTRANCE 

OF SOME FREE MEN, STATES, AND PRESSES, 

TO THE TEXAS REBELLION, AGAINST 

THE LAWS OF NATURE AND OF NATIONS. 




Ruthless Rapine, Righteous Hope defies. 



•''Ye serpents ! ye generation of vipers! ! 
How can ye escape the damnation of hell! ! !" 

- 1843. 
Sold at the Patriot Office, No. 9 Exchange et. Albany. 
Six ds. single; 50 per dozen; $3 per hundred ; $25 i*er tttrtiWtW, 



,L5 

LIST OF THIS LEGION OF LIBEBTY. 
DeUnda est Texas. 



Benjamin Lundy, 

(Gen. Gaines' trespass,) 

Mexican Decrees for 

Universal Freedom, 

Texas Constitution 

against Freedom, 

President Guerero, 

John Quincy Adams, 

The Mexican Arms, 

The London Patriot, 

William B. Reed, 

National Intelligencer, 

Edward J. Wilson, 

G. L. Postlethwaite, 

New-York Sun, 

N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, 

Wilkinson's and Burr's trial, 

African Slave Trade and Texas, 

British Commissioners Report, 

(Bartow's Case,) 

Detroit Spectator, 

American Citizen, 

Liberia Herald, 

Daniel Webster, 

William Jay, 

The British Parliament, 

Barlow Hoy, 

Daniel O'Connell, 

Col. Thompson, 

Fowell Buxton, 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, 

Robert Owen, 

Thomas Branagan, 

Joseph Sturge, 

William E. Channing, 

Commonwealth of Mass., 

Nathaniel P. Rogers, 

David Lee Child, 

Edwin W. Goodwin, 

Joshua R. Giddings, 

John Maynard, 

Zebina Eastman, 

Gamaliel Bailey, 

A. S. Standard, 

William L. McKenzie, 

La Roy Sunderland, 

J. B. Lamar, 

Archibald L. Linn, 

William Slade, 



British Emancipator, 
G. W. Alexander, 
George Bradburn, 
Edmund Quincy, 
Pawtucket Chronicle, 
Cleveland Journal, 
Legislature of Vermont, 
Gen. Assembly of Ohio State, 
A. S. Society of Pennsylvania, 
A. S. Convention of N. Y. State, 
Philadelphia Gazette, 
Friend of Man, 
Pres. Jackson's Inconsistency, 
William B. Tappan, 
Southport American, 
Edward Everett, 
Mass. Legislature, 1843. 
The Free American, 
The Liberator, 
■ The Liberty Press, 
New- York American, 
Mexican Side, 
New-York Tribune, 
Pittsburg Gazette, 
Lynn Record, 
Richmond Whig, 
Hoonsocket Patriot, 
Hampshire Republican, 
William H. Burleigh, 
Louisville Journal, 
State of Rhode Island, 
Legislature of Michigan, 
John Quincy Adams, 
Seth M. Gates, 
William Slade, 
William B. Calhoun, 
Joshua R. Giddings, 
Sherlock J. Andrews, 
Nathaniel B. Borden, 
Thomas C. Chittenden, 
John Mattocks, 
Christopher Morgan, 
J. C. Howard, Victor Birdseye, 
HilandHall, Thos. A.Tomlinson, 
Stanley A. Clark, Chas. Hudson, 
Archibald L. Linn, 
Thos. W. Williams, Tru. Smith, 
Dav. Bronson, Geo. N. Brings, 
Petition to Congress. 






TEXAS AND MEXICO. 

But the prime cause, and the real object of this war, *t-e not dis- 
tinctly understood by a large portion of the honest, disinterested, and 
well-meaning citizens of the United States. Their means of obtain- 
ing correct information upon the subject have been necessarily limited ; 
and many of them have been deceived and misled by the misrepresen- 
tations of those concerned in it, and especially by hireling writers of the 
newspaper press. They have been induced to believe that the in- 
habitants of Texas were engaged in a legitimate contest for the mainte- 
nance of the sacred principles o*f liberty, and the natural, inalienable 
rights of man : — whereas, the motives of its instigators, and their chief 
incentives to action, have been, from the commencement, of a directly 
opposite character and tendency. It is susceptible of the clearest demon- 
stration, that the immediate cause, and the leading object of this contest, 
originated in a settled design, among the slaveholders of this country, 
(with land speculators and slave-traders,) to wrest the large and valuable 
territorij of Texas from the Mexican Republic, in order to re-establish the 
SYSTEM OF SLAVERY; to open a vast and profitable SLAVE 
MARKET therein ; and ultimately to annex it to the United States. 
And further, it is evident — nay, it is very generally acknowledged — 
- . that the insurrectionists are principally citizens of the United States, 
who have proceeded thither for the purpose of revolutionizing the 
country ; and that they are dependant upon this nation, for both the 
physical and pecuniary means, to carry the design into effect. Whether 
the national legislature will lend its aid to this most unwarrantable, 
aggressive attempt, will depend on tl e VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, 
expressed in their primary assembles, by their petitions and through 
the ballot boxes. 

The land speculations, aforesaid, have extended to most of the cities 
and villages of the United States, the British colonies in America, and 
the settlements of foreigners in all the eastern parts of Mexico. All 
concerned in them are aware that a change in the government of the 
country 7nust take place, if their claims should ever be legalized. 

The advocates of slavery, in our southern states and elsewhere, 
want more land on this continent suitable for the culture of sugar and 
cotton : and if Texas, with the adjoining portions of Tamaulipas, 
Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Santa Fe, east of the Rjo Bravo del INorte, 
can be wrested from the Mexican government, room will be afforded 
for the redundant slave population in the United States, even to a 
remote period of time. 

Such are the motives for action — such the combination of interests 
— such the organization, sources of influence, and foundation of 
authority, upon which the present Texas Insurrection rests. The resi- 
dent colonists compose but a small fraction of the party concerned in 
it. The standard of revolt was raised as soon as it was clearly ascer- 
tained that slavery could not be perpetuated, nor the illegal specula 
tionsin land continued, under the government of the Mexican Republic 
The Mexican authorities were charged with acts of oppression, while 
the true causes of the revolt — the motives and designs of the insurgents 



BENJAMIN LUNDY. 

— were studiously concealed from the public view. Influential slave- 
holders are contributing money, equipping troops, and marching to 
the scene of conflict. The land speculators are fitting out expeditions 
from ]New York and New Orleans, with men, munitions of war, pro- 
visions, 6cc, to promote the object. The Independence of Texas is 
declared, and the system of slavery, as well as the slave-trade (with 
the United States,)* is fully recognized by the government they have 
set up. Commissioners are sent from the colonies and agents are 
appointed here, to make formal application, enlist the sympathies of 
our citizens, and solicit aid in every way that it can be furnished. The 
hireling presses are actively engaged in promoting the success of their 
efforts, bv misrepresenting the character of the Mexicans, issuing 
inflammatory appeals, and urging forward the ignorant, the unsus- 
pecting, the adventurous, and the unprincipled, to a participation in 
the struggle. 

Under the erroneous construction of the treaty with Mexico, General 
Gaines was authorized to cross the boundary line with his army ; to 
march seventy miles into the Mexican territory ; and to occupy the 
military post of Nacogdoches, in case he should judge it expedient in 
order to guard against Indian depredations ! And further ; he was 
likewise authorized to call upon the governors of several of the south- 
western states for an additional number of troops, should he consider it 
necessary. 

From the Pensacolo Gazette. 
" About the middle of last month, General Gaines sent an officer of the 
United States arrcv into Texas to reclaim some deserters. He found them 
already enlisted in the Texian service to the number of two hundred. They still 
wore the uniform of our army, but refused, of course, to return. The com- 
mander of the Texian forces was a^p'.ied to, to enforce their return ; but bis 
onlv reply was, that the soldiers might go, but he had no authority to send 
them back. This is a new view of our Texian relations." 

The following decrees and ordinances are translated from an official 
compilation by authority of the government of Mexico. 

Extract from the Law of October 14th, 1823. 
Article 21. Foreigners who bring slaves with them, shall obey the 
Laws established upon the matter, or which shall hereafter be estab- 
lished. 

Decree of jclt 13, 1524. 
Prohibition of the Commerce and Traffic in Slaves. 
The Sovereign General Constituent Congress*>f the United Mexi 
can States has held it risht to decree the following : 

1. The commerce and traffic in slaves, proceeding from whatever 
power, and under whatever flag, is forever prohibited, within the terri- 
tories of the United Mexican States. 

2. The slaves, who mav be introduced contrary to the tenor of the 
preceding article, shall remain free in consequence of treading the 
Mexican soil. 



BENJAMIN LUNDY. 

3. Every vessel, whether national or foreign, in which slaves mav 
be transported and introduced into the Mexican territories, shall be 
confiscated with the rest of its cargo — and the owner, purchaser, cap- 
tain, master, and pilot, shall suffer the punishment of ten years' con- 
finement. 

The Constitution of Coahuila and Texas, promulgated on the 11th 
of March, 1827, also contains this important article : 

" 13. In this state no person shall be born a slave after this Consti- 
tution is published in the capital of each district, and six months there- 
after, neither will the introduction of slaves be permitted under any 
pretext." 

[Translated from page 149, Vol. V, Mexican Laws.] 

Decree of President Guerrero. 
Abolition of Slavery. 

The President of the United Mexican States, to the inhabitants of 
the Republic — 

Be it known : That in the year 1S23, being desirous of signalizing 
the anniversary of our Indep indence by an act of national Justice and 
Beneficence, which may contribute to the strength and support of such 
inestimable welfare, as to secure more and more the public tranquility, 
and reinstate an unfortunate portion of our inhabitants in the sacred 
rights granted them by nature, a.. I may be protected by the nation, 
under wise and just laws, accord in » to the provision in artiele 30 of the 
Constitutive act ; availing myself of tHe extraordinary faculties granted 
me, I have thought proper to decree : 

1. That slavery be exterminated in the republic. 

2. Consequently those are free, who, up to this day, have been 
looked upon as slaves. 

3. Whenever the circumstances of the public treasury will allow it, 
the owners of slaves shall be indemnified, in the manner which the 
laws shall provide. 

Mexico, 15th Sept. 1829, A. D. 

JOSE MARIA de BOCANEGRA. 

[Translation of part of the law of April 6th, 1830, prohibiting the 
migration of citizens of the United States to Texa3.J 

Art. 9. On the northern frontier, the entrance of foreigners shall be 
prohibited, under all pretexts whatever, unless they be furnished with 
passports, signed by the agents of the republic, at the places whence 
they proceed. 

Art. 10. There shall be no variation with regard to the colonies 
already established, nor with regard to the slaves that may be in them ; 
but the general government, or the particular state government, shall 
take care, under the strictest responsibility, that the colonization laics be 
obeyed, and that no more slaves be introduced. 



BENJAMIN LUNDT. 



Colonization Laws of Coahuila and Texas. 

Art. 31. The new settlers, in regard to the introduction of slaves, 
shall be subject to laws ivhick now exist, and which shall hereafter be 
made on the subject. 

Art. 36. The servants and laborers which, in future, foreign colonists 
shall introduce, shall not, by force of any contract whatever, remain bound 
to their service a longer space of time than ten years. 

Given in the city of Leona Vicario, 28th April, 1832. 

JOSE JESUS GRANDE, President. 

In the course of my observations, I have several times asserted, that 
it was the intention of the insurrectionists to establish and perpetuate 
the system of slavery, by "constitutional" provision. In proof of this, 
I now quote several paragraphs from the "constitution" which they 
lately adopted. This extract is taken from that part under the head 
of" General Provisions," and embraces all that relates to slavery. 

Texas Constitution. 

Sec 8. All persons who shall leave the country for the purpose of 
evading a participation in the present struggle, or shall refuse to partici- 
pate in it, or shall give aid or assistance to the present enemy, shall 
forfeit all rights to citizenship, and such lands as they may hold, in the 
republic. 

Sec 9. All persons of color, who were slaves for life previous to 
their emigration to Texas, and who are now held in bondage, shall 
remain in the like state of servitude, provided the said slave shall be the 
bona fide property of the person so holding said slave as aforesaid. 
Congress shall pass no laws to prohibit emigrants from the United States 
of America from bringing their slaves into the republic with them, and 
holding them by the same tenure by which such slaves were held in 
the United States ; nor shall congress have the power to emancipate 
slaves; nor shall any slaveholder be allowed to emancipate his or her slave 
or slaves, without the consent of congress, unless he or she shall send his 
or her slave or slaves without the limits of the republic. No free 
person of African descent, either in whole or in part, shall be permitted 
to reside permanently in the republic, without the consent of congress; 
and the importation or admission of Africans or negroes inw this 
republic, excepting from the United States of America, is for ever 
prohibited and declared to be piracy. 

Sec 10. All persons, (Africans, and the descendants of Africans, ayid 
Indians excepted,) who were residing in Texas on the day of the Decla- 
ration of Independence, [a great portion of the native Mexican citizens 
are, of course, excluded,] shall be considered citizens of the republic, 
and entitled to all the privileges of such. All citizens now living in 
Texas, who have not received their portion of land in like manner as 
colonists, shall be entitled to their land in the following proportion and 
manner: Every head of a family shall be entitled to one league and 
" labor" of land, and every single man of the age of seventeen and 
upwards, shall be entiiled to one third part of one league of land. 



BENJAMIN LUNDY. 



The period has indeed arrived— THE CRISIS IS NOW— when 
the wise, the virtuous, the patriotic, the philanthropic of this nation 
must examine, and reflect, and deeply ponder the momentous subject 
under consideration. Already we see the newspaper press in some 
of the free states, openly advocating the system of slavery, with all its 
outrages and abominations. Individuals occupying influential stations 
in the community at large, also countenance and encourage it and 
even instigate the vile rabble to oppose, maltreat, and trample on the 
necks of those who dare to plead the cause of the oppressed. At the 
ensuing session of our national congress, the great battle is to be fought, 
that must decide the question now at issue, and perhaps even scaUhe 
fate of this republic. The senators and representative s of the people 
will then be called on to sanction the independence of Texas, and also 
to provide for its admission, as a SLAVEHOLDING STATE, into 
this Union. These measures will positively be proposed, in case the 
Mexican government fails to suppress the insurrection very soon, and 
to recover the actual possession of the territory. A few of our most 
eminent statesmen will resist the proposition with energy and zeal • 
but unless the PI BLIC VOICE be raised against theunhallowed 
proceeding, and the sentiments of the people be most unequivocally 
expressed in the loudest tones of disapprobation, they will be unable 
to withstand the influence and power of their antagonists. Arouse 
then! and let your voice be heard through your primary assemblies, 
your legislative halls, and the columns of the periodical press, in every 
section of your cou nt rv! 

CJ? - !— Sons of the Pilgrims, and disciples 

of Wesley and Penn !— Coadjutors and pupils of Washington, Jeffer- 
son, and Franklin!— Advocates of freedom and the sacred "rights of 
man/"— Will you longer snut your eyes, and slumber in apathy, while 
the demon of oppression is thus stalking over the plains consecrated 
to the genius of liberty, and fertilized by the blood of her numerous 
martyrs ?— Will you permit the authors of this gigantic project of 
national aggression, interminable slavery, and Heaven-daring injustice, 
to perfect their diabolical schemes through your supineness, or with 
the sanction of your acquiescence ? If they succeed in the accomplish- 
ment ot their object, where will be your guarantee for the liberty which 
you, yourselves enjoy ? When the advocates of slavery shall obtain 
the balance of power in this confederation ; when they shall have 
corrupted a few more of the aspirants to office among you, and opened 
an illimitable field for the operations of your heartless land-jobbers and 
slave-merchants, (to secure their influence in effecting the unholy 
purposes of their ambition,) how long will you be able'to resist the 
encroachments of their tyrannical influence, or prevent them from 
usurping and exercising authority over you? ARISE IN THE 
MAJESTY OF MORAL POWER, and place the seal of condem- 
nation upon this flagrant violation of national laws, of human rights, 
and the eternal, immutable principles of justice.— National Enquirer 
of Philadelphia. 



JOHN Q. ADAMS. 



JOHN a. ADAMS. 



During the late war with Great Britain, the military and naval com- 
manders of that nation, issued proclamations inviting the slaves to 
repair to their standards, with promises of freedom and of settlement 
in some of the British colonial establishments. This, surely, was an 
interference with the institution of slavery in the states. By the treaty 
of peace, Great Britain stipulated to evacuate all the forts and places 
in the United States, without carrying away any slaves. If the 
government of the United States had no authority to interfere, in any 
way, with the institution of slavery in the states, they would not have 
had the authority to require this stipulation. It is well known that 
this engagement was not fulfilled by the British naval and military 
commanders ; that, on the contrary, they did carry away all the slaves 
whom they had induced to join them, and that the British government 
inflexibly refused to restore any of them to their masters ; that a claim 
of indemnity was consequently instituted in behalf of the owners of the 
slaves, and was successfully maintained. All that series of transactions 
was an interference by congress with the institution of slavery in the 
states in one way — in the way of protection and support. It was by 
the institution of slavery alone, that the restitution of slaves enticed by 
proclamations into the British service could be claimed as property. 
But for the institution of slavery, the British commanders could neither 
have allured them to their standard, nor restored them otherwise than 
as liberated prisoners of war. But for the institution of slavery, there 
could have been no stipulation that they should not be carried away 
as property, nor any claim of indemnity for the violation of that 
engagement. 

But the war power of congress over the institution of slavery in the 
states is yet far more extensive. Suppose the case of a servile war, 
complicated, as to some extent it is even now, with an Indian war; 
suppose congress were called to raise armies ; to supply money from 
the whole Union to suppress a servile insurrection : would they have 
no authority to interfere with the institution of slavery? The issue of 
a servile war may be disastrous. By war, the slave may emancipate 
himself; it may become necessary for the master to recognise his 
emancipation, by a treaty of peace; can it, for an instant, be pretended 
that congress, in such a contingency, would have no authority to 
interfere with the institution of slavery, in any ivay, in the states ? 
Why, it would be equivalent to saying, that congress have no consti- 
tutional authority to make peace. 

I suppose a more portentous case, certainly, within the bounds of 
possibility. — I would to God I could say not within the bounds of 
probability. You have been, if you are not now, at the very point of 
a war with Mexico — a war, I am sorry to say, so far as public rumor 
is credited, stimulated by provocations on our part from the very com- 
mencement of this Administration down to the recent authority given 
to General Gaines to invade the Mexican territory. It is said, that 
one of the earliest acts of this Administration, was a proposal made at 
a time when there was already much ill-humor in Mexico against the 



JOHN <J. ADAMS. 

United States, that she should cede to the United States a very large 
portion of her territory — large enough to constitute nine states equal 
in extent to Kentucky. It must be confessed, that, a device better 
calculated to produce jealousy, suspicion, ill-will, and hatred, could 
not have been contrived. It is further affirmed, that this overture, 
offensive in itself, was made precisely at the time when a swarm of 
colonists from these United States were covering the Mexican border 
with land-jobbing, and with slaves, introduced in defiance of the 
Mexican laws, by which slavery had been abolished throughout that 
republic. The war now raging in Texas is a Mexican civil war, and 
a war for the re-establishment of slavery where it was abolished. It 
is not a servile war, but a war between slavery and emancipation, and 
every possible effort has been made to drive us into the war, on the 
side of slavery. 

And again I ask, what will be your cause in such a war ? Aggres- 
sion, conquest, and the re-establishment of slavery, where it has been 
abolished. In that war, sir, the banners of freedom will be the banners 
of .Mexico; and your banners, I blush to speak the word, will be the 
banners of slavery. 

And how complicated? Your Seminole war is already spreading 
to the Creeks, and. in their march of desolation, they sweep along with 
them your n and put arms into their hands to make common 

cause with them you, and how far will it spread, sir, should a 

Mexican invader, with the torch of liberty in his hand, and the standard 
of fn edom Boating over his head, proclaiming emancipation to the slave, 
and revenge to the native Indian, as he goes, invade your soil? What 
will be the condition of your states of Louisiana, of Mississippi, of 
Alabama, oi ri, and of Georgia? Where will be 

your negroes ? Where will be that combined and concentrated mass 
of Indian tribes, whom, by an inconsiderate policy, you have expelled 
from their widely list ant habitations, to embody them within a small 
compass on the > of Mexico, as if on purpose to give that 

country a nation of natural allies in their hostilities against you? Sir, 
you have a Mexican, an Indian, and a negro war upon your hands, 
and you are plunging yourself into it blindfold ; you are talking about 
acknowledging the independence of the republic of Texas, and you are 
thirsting to annex Texas, ay, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, and Santa 
Pe, from the source to the mouth of the Rio Bravo, to your already 
over-distcnted dominions. Five hundred thousand square miles of the 
territory of Mexico would not even now quench your burning thirst for 
aggrandizement. 

Great Britain may have no serious objection to the independence of 
Texas, and may be willing enough to take her under her protection, as 
a barrier both against Mexico and against you. But, as aggrandize- 
ment to you she will not readily suffer it ; and, above all, she will not 
suffer you to acquire it by conquest and the re-establishment of slavery. 
Urged on by the irresistible, overwhelming torrent of public opinion, 
Great Britain has recently, at a cost of one hundred millions of dollars, 
which her people have joyfully paid, abolished slavery throughout all 
her colonies in the West Indies. After setting such an example, she will 



JOHN Q.. ADAMS. 

no t — it i s impossible that she should — stand by and witness a war for the 
re-establishment of slavery ; where it had been for years abolished, and 
situated thus in the immediate neighborhood of her islands. She will 
tell you, that if you must have Texas as a member of your confederacy, 
it must be without the trammels of slavery, and if you will wage a 
war to handcuff and fetter your fellow-man, she will wage the war 
against you to break his chains. Sir, what a figure, in the eyes of 
mankind, would you make, in deadly conflict with Great Britain: she 
fio-htino- the battles of emancipation, and you the battles of slavery; 
she the°benefactress, and you the oppressor of human kind ! In such 
a war, the enthusiasm of emancipation, too, would unite vast numbers 
of her people in aid of the national rivalry, and all her natural jealousy 
against our aggrandizement. No war was ever so popular in England, 
as that war would be against slavery, the slave-trade, and the Anglo- 
Saxon descendant from her own loins. 

As to the annexion of Texas to your confederation, for what do you 
want it ? Are you not large and unwieldy enough already ? Do not 
two millions of square miles cover enough for the insatiate rapacity of 
your land-jobbers ? I hope there are none of them within the sound 
of my voice. Have you not Indians enough to expel from the land of 
their fathers' sepulchres, and to exterminate ? What, in a prudential 
and military point of view, would be the addition of Texas to your 
domain ? It would be weakness and not power. Is your southern 
and southwestern frontier not sufficiently extensive ? not sufficiently 
feeble ? not sufficiently defenceless ? Why are you adding regiment 
after regiment of dragoons to your standing army ? Why are you 
struggling, by direction and by indirection, to raise per saltwn that 
armylroin less than six to more than twenty thousand men ? 

A war for the restoration of slavery, where it has been abolished, if 
successful in Texas, must extend over all Mexico ; and the example 
will threaten Great Britain with imminent danger of a war of colors 
in her own islands. She will take possession of Cuba and Porto Rico, 
by cession from Spain, or by the batteries from her wooden walls ; 
and if you ask her by what authority she has done it, she will ask y-ou, 
in return, by what authority you have extended your seacoast from 
the Sabine to the Rio Bravo. She will ask you a question more per- 
plexity namely— by what authority you, with freedom, independence, 
and democracy upon your lips, are waging a war of extermination to 
forge new manacles and fetters, instead of those which are falling 
from the hands and feet of man. She will carry emancipation and 
abolition with her in every fold of her flag ; while your stars, as they 
increase in numbers, will be overcast with the murky vapors of op- 
pression, and the only portion of your banners visible to the eye, will 
be the blood-stained stripes of the task-master? 

Little reason have the inhabitants of Georgia and Alabama to com- 
plain that the government of the United States has been remiss or 
neglectful in protecting them from Indian hostilities; the fact 13 
directly the reverse. The people of Alabama and Georgia are now 
suffering the recoil of their own unlawful weapons. Georgia, sir, 
Georgia^ by trampling upon the faith of our national treaties with the 



JOHN Q. ADAMS. 

Indian tribes and by subjecting them to her state laws, first set the 
example of that policy which is now in the process of consummation 
by this Ina.an war, m setting this example, she bade defiance to the 
authority of the government of the nation ; she nullified your laws • 
she set at naught your executive guardians of the common constitu- 
tion ot the la. id. To what extent she carried this policy, the dun -eons 
of her prisons and the records of the Supreme Judicial Court of the 
Lmted States can tell. To those prisons she committed inoffensive 
innocent pious ministers of the gospel of truth, for carrying the lieht 
the comforts, and the consolations of that gospe4 to the hearts !nd 
minds of these unhappy Indians. A solemn decision of the Supreme 
Court of the Lmted States pronounced that act a violation of your 
treaties and your laws. Georgia defied that decision ; your executive 
government never carried it into execution ; the imprisoned mission- 
aries of the gospel were compelled to purchase their ransom from per- 
petual captivity by sacrificing their rights as freemen to the meekness 
of their principles as Christians ; and you have sanctioned all these 
outrages upon justice, law, and humanity, by succumbing to the 
power and the policy of Georgia, by accommodating your legislation to 
her arbitrary will; by tearing to tatters your old treaties with the 
Indians, and by constraining them, under peine forte et dure, to the 
mockery of signing other treaties wkh you, which, at the first nioment 

Z,u * 7i a " SUlt ?T PV r P° se >) TOU wil1 a S ain tear to tatters and 
scatter to the four winds of heaven, till the Indian race shall be extinct 
upon this continent, and it shall become a problem, beyond the solution 
ot antiquaries and historical societies, what the red man of the forest 
was. 



,iJT heArn ?f °o the coin of the Mexican Republic, are Freedom's EarlA 

tSsaXLSEZSSSR ■■ Md i,s ™' se be - "» cap"™. bS£ 




LONDON PATRIOT WILLIAM B. REED. 



THE LONDON PATRIOT. 

The British public ought to be made aware of what is going on at 
present in Texas ; of the true cause and the true nature of the contest 
between the Mexican authorities and the American slave-jobbers. 

Texas has long been the Naboth's vineyard of brother Jonathan. 
For twenty years or more, an anxiety has been manifested to push back 
the boundary of the United States' territory, of which the Sabine river 
is the agreed line, so as to include the rich alluvial lands of the delta 
of the Colorado, at the head of the Gulf of Mexico. There are stronger 
passions at work, however, than the mere lust of territory — deeper 
interests at stake. Texas belongs to a republic which has abolished 
slavery ; the object of the Americans is to convert it into a slaveholding 
state ; not only to make it a field of slave cultivation, and a market 
for the Maryland slave-trade, but, by annexing it to the Federal Union 
to strengthen in congress the preponderating influence of the southern 
slaveholding states. 

This atrocious project is the real origin and cause of the pretended 
contest for Texian independence — a war, on the part of the United 
States, of unprovoked aggression for the vilest of all purposes.— 
July 6,1836. 

WILLIAM B. REED. 

One of the complaints made by the Texians is that the Mexican 
government will not permit the introduction of slaves, and one of the 
first fruits of independence and secure liberty (unnatural as is the 
paradox) will be the extension of slavery, and both the domestic and 
foreign slave-trade, over the limits of a territory large enough to form 
five states as large as Pennsylvania. Such being the result what 
becomes of any real or imaginary balance between the South and 
the North — the slaveholding and non-slaveholding interests? Five 
or more slaveholding states, with their additional representation, 
thoroughly imbued with southern feeling, thoroughly attached to what 
the South Carolina resolutions now before us, call " the patriarchal 
institution of domestic slavery," added to the Union, and where is 
the security of the North, and of the interests of free labor ? — These 
are questions worth considering — the more so, as the war fever which 
is now burning; in the veins of this community, and exhibiting itself 
in all the usual unreflecting expressions of sympathy and resentment, 
has disturbed the judgment of the nation, and distorted every notion 
of right and wrong. Let the Texians win independence as they can. 
That is their affair, not ours. But let no statesman that loves his 
country think of admitting such an increment of slaveholding popula- 
tion into this Union. He (Mr. R.) could not but fear that there was 
a deep laid plan to admit Texas into the Union, with a view to ar 
increase of slaveholding representation in congress ; and while h* 
viewed it in connexion with the growing indifference perceptible ii 
some quarters, he could not but feel melancholy forebodings. — Speed 
in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, June 11th, 1836. 



TEXAS. 

The following document, considering the avouched character of 
the gentlemen whose names are signed to it, and attest its truth, is 
entitled to a place in our columns : — National Intelligencer. 

TO THE PUBLIC. 

We will not dwell upon the false assurances made to us by men 
professing to be the accredited agents of Texas in this country. At a 
time when the cause of Texas was dark and gloomy, when Santa 
Anna seemed designed to carry desolation over the whole country, 
those men were prodigal of promises, and professing to be authorized 
to speak in the name of the Texian Government, made assurances of 
ultimate remuneration, which they knew at the time to be false, and 
which time proved to be so. 

We now state that our personal observation and undoubted infor- 
mation enabled us fully to perceive, 1st. That the present population 
of Texas seemed wholly incapable of a just idea of civil and political 
liberty, and that, so far as the extension of liberal principles is con- 
cerned, it is of but little moment whether Mexico or Texas succeed in 
the struggle. 

2d. That the mass of the people, from the highest functionary of 
their pretended government to the humblest citizen (with but few ex- 
ceptions,) are animated alone by a desire of plunder, and appear 
totally indifferent whom they plunder, friends or foes. 

3d. That even now there is really no organized government in the 
country, no laws administered, no judiciary, a perpetual struggle going 
on between the civil and military departments, and neither having the 
confidence of the people, or being worthy of it. 

These facts and others sufficiently demonstrate to us that the cabinet 
was deficient in all the requisites of a good government, and that no 
one in his senses would trust himself, his reputation, or his fortunes, 
to their charge or control. Charged with treason, bribery, and usur- 
pations, weak in their councils, and still weaker in power to enforce 
their orders, wo perceived at once that we must look for safety and 
proper inducements elsewhere. We then turned our eyes to the army, 
and a scene still more disheartening presented itself; undisciplined, 
and without an effort to become so ; not a roll called, nor a drill ; no 
regular encampment ; no authority nor obedience ; with plundering 
parties for self-emolument, robbing private individuals of their property. 
We could see nothing to induce us to embark our fortunes and destinies 
with them. With these views and facts, we could but sicken and 
wonder at the vile deceptions which had been practised upon us ; yet 
we are told that this people had risen up in their might to vindicate the 
cause of civil and religious liberty. It is a mockery of the very name 
of liberty. They are stimulated by that motive which such men can 
only appreciate — the hope of plunder. They are careless of the form 
of government under which they live, if that government will tolerate 
licentiousness and disorder. Such is a brief, but we sincerely be- 
lieve, a faithful picture of a country to which we were invited with 
so much assiduity, and such the manner in which we were received 
and treated. 



NEW-YORK SUN. 

We might multiply facts in support of each proposition here laid 
down, to show the miserable condition of things in Texas, and the 
utter impossibility that a man of honor could embark in such a cause 
with such men. Should it be rendered necessary, we may yet do so ; 
but for the present we will pause with this remark, that if there be any, 
now, in Kentucky, whose hearts are animated with the desire of an 
honorable fame, or to secure a competent settlement for themselves or 
families, they must look to some other theatre than the plains of Texas. 
We would say to them, Listen not to the deceitful and hypocritical 
allurements of land speculators, who ivish you to fight for their 
benefit, and who are as liberal of promises as they are faithless in perform- 
ance. We are aware of the responsibility which we incur by this 
course. We are aware that we subject ourselves to the misrepresen- 
tations of hired agents and unprincipled landmongers ; but we are 
willing to meet it all, relying upon the integrity of our motives and the 
correctness of our course. 

EDWARD J. WILSON, 
G. L. POSTLETHWAITE. 

Lexington, Sept. 10, 1836. 

NEW- YORK SUN. 

Extract from General Houston's letter to General Dunlap of Nash- 
ville — 

" For a portion of this force we must look to the United States. It 
cannot reach us too soon. There is but one feeling in Texas, in my 
opinion, and that is to establish the independence of Texas, and to be 
attached to the United States." 

Here, then, is an open avowal by the commander-in-chief of the 
Texian army, that American troops will be required to seize and sever 
this province of the Mexican republic, for the purpose of uniting it to 
ours ; and this avowal is made by a distinguished American citizen, 
in the very face of that glorious constitution of his country, which wisely 
gives no power to its citizens for acquiring foreign territory by conquest, 
their own territory being more than amply sufficient to gratify any safe 
ambition ; and in the face, too, of the following solemn and sacred 
contract of his country with the sister republic which he would dis- 
member : 

"There shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace, and a true 
and sincere friendship between the United States of America, and the 
United Mexican States, in all the extent of their possessions and terri- 
tories, between their people and citizens respectively, without distinction 
of persons or places." 

In the earlier days of our republic, when a hign-minded and honor- 
able fidelity to its constitution was an object proudly paramount to 
every mercenary consideration that might contravene it, an avowed 
design of this kind against the possessions of a nation with whom the 
United States were at peace, would have subjected its author, if a 
citizen, to the charge of high treason, and to its consequences. When 
Aaron Burr and his associates were supposed to meditate the conauest 



NEUTRALITY. 

of Mexico, and attempted to raise troops in the southern states to 
achii ve if, they were arrested for treason, and Burr, their chief, was 
tried for his lit"'-. But now. behold ! the conquest of a part of the same 
country is an obj set openly proclaimed, not in the letters of General 
1 1 alone, but by many of our wealthiest citizens at public ban- 
quets, and by th< hireling presses in the chief cities of our Union. The 
of a Foreign territory to our own by foreign conquest, being 
thus unblushingly avowed, and our citizens, who are int< gral portionsof 
our national y, being openly invited and incited to join the 

of war, it becomes an interesting moral inc,uiry 
— what is there m the public mind to excuse or even to palliate so 
flagrant a prostitution of national faith and honor in these days v any 
more than in the days that are past ? The answer is ready at hand, 
and is im futable. An extensive and well organized gang of swindlers 
in Texas lands, h thecry, and the standard of "Liberty!" 

and to the thrilling charm of this glorious word, which stirs the blood 
of a free people, as the blasl of the bugle arous< - ev< ry nerve of the 
warho of our citizens responded in ardent 

delusi( lercial Advertiser truly declares, "Never 

was i ■ of American lib rtyinvoked more unrighteously;" 

and w- that the natural sagacity, good sense, and 

! for their national honor, for which our citizens are distin- 
ill nations, will s] lie them from the 

ivise degrading error in which that vile crew of mercenary hvpo- 
critical swindlers would involve tb m. The artful deceive rs, however, 
have net relied up i 'and noble sympathy only of our 

fellow citizens, for they insidiously presented a bribe to excite their 
cupiditj 

TTRALITY! 

Next the Texian reyolution. Was it not laughable to see these 
Texia Jly speakiBg, slaveholders; adhering to 

the constitution of 1824, om article of -which emancipates all the slaves 
in Mexico! Was it not laughable to see them proclaiming a consti- 
i, of which, eleven ; - a o, the Americans in Texas had pro- 
hibited the proclamation by 1 e lexican authorities there, under the 
heaviest r eats! — \\ hal man of common sense can believe in this 
humbi' . gentlemen; none but those that, have risked their 

thousands in this country; and they, whoever they may be, fei^n to 
believe it. The statements made throughout the United Mates, of 
tyranny and oppression on the part of Mexico toward the American 
citizens in Texas, are slanderous falsehoods, fabricated to creat.: and 
nurture the worst prejudices and jealousies. The Americans in Texas 
have had their own way in every case, and on every occasion ; and 
whenever there happened a legislative act that was, from any cause, 
repugnant to the feelings of the people of Texas, it was silenced at 
once. In short, if there has existed a good cause of complaint in Texas, 
it was that men were too much their own masters, and too little under 
the restraint of any law. Any allegation to the effect that the Mexican 
government had deceived citizens of the United States in relation to 



GENERAL WILKINSON. 

promises of lands first, made to them, is false, and I defy any one to 
show a forfeiture of title to lands, token the conditions of the grant had 
been fulfilled by the settler. 

Now, sir, as to the war: here I will ask Americans, (except the 
speculators,) how many military incursions, insurrections, and rebel- 
lions, avowedly for the purpose of snatching Texas from its proper 
owners, will, in their mind, justify Mexico in driving from its territories, 
the pirates that would thus possess themselves of the country ? Be it 
remembered, that these revolutions have never been attempted by the 
resident citizens of Texas, but in every case by men organized in the 
United States for the purpose and coming from afar: why, a single 
provocation of this nature were ample justification ; but Texas has, 
from the time of the adjustment of the boundary by Wilkinson and 
Ferrara, experienced seven or eight. 

The Americans (I mean ihe regulars) and Tex':ans, appear to 
understand each other perfectly. The neutrality is preserved on the 
part of General Gaines, by allowing all volunteers, and other organized 
corps destined for Texas, to pass in hundreds and thousands undis- 
turbed, but keeps in check any attempt on the part of the native 
Mexicans and Indians, to act against the Texians. The Texians are 
allowed to wage war against a Friendly power, in a district of country 
claimed by the United States. The prisoners of war taken by the 
Texians are ignorant to which party they are subject. The American 
general claims the countrv only from Mexico, but has no objections to 
the carrying on of war against Mexico in the district he claims! Pray, 
sir, let Americans speak honestly, and let them say whether any gov- 
ernment has, within the last century, placed itself in so ridiculous a 
light? — not only ridiculous, but contemptible. Will not any honest 
man confess at once that General Gaines, or any authority clothing 
him with the discretion so indiscreetly used, would never have dreamed 
of the like against a government able and ready to deli ml itself, and 
punish such arrogance ? What is Europe to say to this ? Will not 
Mexico complain ? And will there be no sympathy for her? — Letter 
to the Editors of the New-York Commercial Advertiser, dated JVacog- 
doges, Texas, September 14, 1836. 

[Alas, for our national degeneracy and infamy; — Tn 1811, the sus- 
picion of being accessory to this horrible outrage against the laws of 
nature, and of nations, led a to distinct charge in the trial for treason of] 

GENERAL WILKINSON. 

Charge V. — That he, the said James. Wilkinson, while commanding 
the army of the United States, by virtue of his said commission, ancl 
being bound by the duties of his office to do all that in him lay, to 
discover and to frustrate all such enormous violations of the law as 
tended to endanger the peace ancl tranquillity of the United States, did, 
nevertheless, unlawfully combine and conspire to set on foot a military 
expedition against the territories of a nat'on, then at peace w ith the 
United States. 

Specification, He, the said James Wilkinson, in the years 1S05 and 



THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE AND TEXAS. 

1806, combining and conspiring with Aaron Burr and his associates, 
to set on foot a military expedition against the Spanish provinces and 
territories in America. — Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. II. 

THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE AND TEXAS. 

By a treaty between Great Britain and Spain, for the suppression 

of the slave-trade, concluded in 1817, the British government was 

authoriz d to appoint commissioners to reside in Cuba, who, with 

i commissioners, wete to form a court for the adjudication of 

such ships a^ might be seized with slaves actually on board. 

The British com - from time to time make reports to their 

government, which are laid before Parliament, and published by their 
direction. 

The following are extracts from a report, dated 1st January, 1836. 

"Nevi r Bince the establishment of this mixed commission, has the 
slave-trade of the Havana r< a< h< d such a disgraceful pitch as during 
..">. By the list we have the honor to enclose, it will be 
si en that fil ■ Is have safely arrived in this port during the 

\ there were twenty-seven arrivals, and in 

1 thirl -three; but 1835 presents a number, by means of which 
th landed upwards of fifteen thousand negroes. 

"In r an American agent from Texas pur- 

.;i!i;i two hu . fifty newly imported Africans, 

at tw) hundred and seventy dollars a head, and carried them away 
with him to that district of Mexico — having first procured from the 
American Consul hen i 5 of their freedom. This, perhaps, 

would have l<» n scarcely worth mentioning to your lordship, had we 
not learned, that within the last six weeks, considerable sums of 
money have been deposited by the American citizens in certain mer- 
cantile e, for the purpose of making additional purchases of 
bozal negroes for Texas. According to the laws of Mexico, we 
believe smh Africans are free, whether they have certificates of freedom 
or not ; but we doubt much whether this freedom will be more than 
nominal under tin ir American masters, or whether the whole system 
may not b founded onsoi ie plan of smuggling them across the frontier 
of the slave stat< s of the Union. I lowevi rthis may be. a great impulse 
is thus given to this illicit traffic of the Havana ; and it is not easy for 
i:< to pi in1 oul to go\ rnmentwhat remonstrances ought to be made 
on the subject since the American settlers in Texas are almost as 
independent of American authority as they are of Mexico. These 
lawless will doubtless, moreover assert, that they buy negroea 
in the Havana with a view to their ultimate emancipation. We 
thought the first experiment to be of little consequence — but now that 
we perceive fresh commissions arriving in the Havana for the purchase 
of Africans, we cannot refrain from calling your lordship's attention to 
the fact, as being another cause of the increase of the slave-trade in 
the Havana." 

The foregoing throws light on the following recent article in the 
Albany Argus : — 



TEXAS AND SLAVERY. 

"The fate of Henry Bartow, late of the Commercial Bank of this 
city, has been at length definitely ascertained. The agent sent out 
by"the bank has returned, and states that Bartow died at Marianne, 
near Columbia, in Texas, on the 30th of June last, of the fever of the 
country, after an illness of about four weeks. He had purchased a 
farm on the Brassos, an I, in company with a native of the country, 
had commenced an extensive plantation, and sent % 10,000 to Cuba 
for the purchase of slaves. 

We grant that Texas would present, us an immense territory of 
rich soil, and would be another brilliant star in our standard. On the 
other hand she would give us her quarrel with Mexico — add to our 
un wieldly slave incumbrance — and give the balance of power to the 
southern and southwestern states. We much question whether the 
United States should ever add more states to the confederacy. 
Already we are rent by the fiercest internal dissension. The North 
and South, the East and West, have their local feelings—which are 
becoming more strong and definite every day. As it is, we are in 
constant and hourly danger of splitting, The time must come ulti- 
mately, and when it does it will be with terrible power. Why then 
should we burthen ourselves with still another local interest that must 
tend vapidly to hasten this result? 

But another strong reason against such an annexation is the fact 
that it is a slaveholding country. The northern people differ n 
to the expediency of interferin : with this subject; but they all admit 
that it is an evil, dangerous 10 our safety as a nation. It is univer- 
sally acknowledged that the slave population may ultimately become 
unmanageable by rapid increase ; and when it does we may expect 
to see re-enacted the fearful, blood-curdling scenes of the West Indies. 
It is obvious, therefore, it would be highly impolitic to add such a 
slave market as Texas to the Union. — Detroit Spectator. 

Were any further proof wanting to convince those at all conversant 
with the subject, that Texas will speedily become a great slave mart, 
the following article from the Liberia Herald, will furnish it. We have 
proved, time and again, by the most indubitable testimony, (and the 
fact should he kept constantly before the people,) that the great cause 
which led to the rupture between the inhabitants of Texas and the 
mother country, was a determination on their part to traffic in slaves, 
which is strictly forbidden by the constitution of Mexico. How 
northern men, therefore, who profess to be opposed to slavery, can 
with any degree of consistency lend their influence in behalf of Texas, 
is more than can be accounted for. The fact is, they are not opposed 
to slavery; and we unhesitatingly declare, that every one who has 
taken the pains to inform himself of the first cause ■ of the Texian in- 
surrection, is at heart a slaveholder, if he is in any manner aiding the 
cause of the insurgents. By "defending Texas," he is "upholding" 
and virtually justifying the enslavement of his brother, and his cry cf 
liberty, is the very quintessence of hypocrisy. 

Shall Texas be admitted into the Union ? That is the question 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 

now. Her independence has already been recognized by our govern- 
ment; but it is yet to be decided whether this nation is to be cursed 
with an extension of its slave territory. What say you, freemen of 
the North? Shall Texas be admitted into the Union? Will you 
willingly hug a viper to your own bosoms? There is but one alter- 
native"' left you— inundate congress, at its next session, with remon- 
strances against the admission of Texas, or you sign at once the 
death warrant of American freedom. 

Efforts are already being made for the admission of Florida as a 
Blaveholding state. Shoufd these efforts prove successful— but may 
heaven forbid it!— should Texas also be admitted, the slaveholding 
states would outnumber the free states— there being already thirteen 
slave to thirteen free states. And Texas alone is sufficiently large 
for, and probably will ultimately be divided into, some six or eight 
states. The liberty of the free states would exist only in name, were 
they to be outnumbered by the slave states. In such an event, a 
darker cloud would hang over the United States than ever did before: 
and wo to that "fanatic" who might then talk of the abolition of 
slavery, even in the District of Columbia ! We might then expect to 
see all the horrors of slavery— horrors to which those of the French 
revolution bear but a feeble comparison— visited upon the heads of all 
who might dare to raise their voice in behalf of their down-trodden 
colored brethren ! 

Shai: I admitted into the Union? We again ask. Free- 

men, will you willingly submit to the manacles of slavery ? If you 
would not, arouse from your slumbers, and thunder in the ears of the 
tyrant- rutins for you and your children, 

your determination still to be free. — JFYwn the American Citizen. 

Slave Trale.—We have learned that great calculations are already 
making by slavers on the coast, on the increased demand and ad- 
vanced" price of slaves which it is confidently anticipated will take 
place on the erection of Texas into an independent government. It 
has been rumored that offers have been made by a commercial house 
in New Orleans, to a slaver on the coast, for a certain number of 
slaves, to be delivered in a specified period j and the only circumstance 
which prevented the consummation of the bargain was, that the slaver 
refused to be responsible for the slaves after they should be put on 
board. These facts, we think are important to be known, as the 
christian and philanthropic world may learn from them what they are 
upholding when they are defending Texas.— Liberia Herald. 

DANIEL WEBSTER. 

But when we come to speak of admitting new states, the subject 
assun.es an entirely different aspect Our rights and our duties are 
then both different. 

The free states, and all the states, are then at liberty to accept, or 
to rejeet. When it is proposed to bring new members into this politi- 
cal partnership, the old members have a right to say on what terms 



WILLIAM JAY. 

such new members are to come in, and what they are to bring along 
with them. In my opinion, the people of the United States will not 
consent to bring a new, vastly extensive, a slaveholding country, 
large enough for half a dozen or a dozen states, into the Union. 
In my opinion they ought not to consent to it. Indeed I am altogether 
at a loss to conceive, what possible benefits any part of this country 
can expect to derive from such annexation. All benefit, to any part 
is at least doubtful and uncertain ; the objections obvious, plain, and 
strong. On the general question of slavery, a great portion of the 
community is already strongly excited. The subject has not only at- 
tracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper 
toned chord. It has arrested the religious feelings of the country ; it has 
taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, 
indeed, little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a 
very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, 
who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with, or despised. 
It will assuredly cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with, it 
may be made willing, I believe it is entirely willing to fulfil all existing 
engagements, and all existing duties, to uphold and defend the con- 
stitution, as it is established, with whatever regrets about some provi- 
sions, which it does actually contain. But to coerce it into silence, 
— to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and 
confine it, warm as it. is and more heated as such endeavors would 
inevitably render it, — should all this be attempted, I know nothing 
even in the constitution, or in the Union itself, which would not 
be endangered by the explosion which might follow. 

I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to 
the Union ; no advantages to be derived from it ; and objections to it, 
of a strong, and in my judgment, decisive character. — Jlddressin NiHo's 
Garden, TS37. 

WILLIAM JAY. 

Fellow citizens, a crisis has arrived in which we must maintain our 
rights, or surrender them for ever. I speak not to abolitionists alone, 
but to all who value the liberty of our fathers achieved. Do you ask 
what we have to do with slavery? — Let our muzzled presses answer — 
let the mobs excited against us by merchants and politicians answer — 
let the gag laws threatened by our governors and legislatures answer, 
let the conduct of the National G overnment answer. In 1826, Mexico 
and Columbia being at war with Spain, proposed carrying their armies 
into Cuba, a Spanish colony. These republics had abolished slavery 
within their own limits, and it. was feared that if they conquered Cuba 
they would give liberty to the thousands there enchained. And 
what did our liberty-loving government do? Why they sent on 
special messengers to Panama to threaten our sister republics with 
war if they dared to invade Cuba. Nor was this all ; a minister was 
sent to Spain, and ordered to urge upon the Spanish monarch the 
policy of making peace with his revolted colonies, lest if the war con- 
tinued, nearly a million of human beings should recover and enjoy the 



THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT TEXAS. 

rights ofrnan. What have we to do with slavery ? Is it nothing that 
nineteen Senators were found to vote for a bill establishing £ w 
post town a censorship of the press, and that a citizen of New York 
gave a casting vote in favor of the abomination, and has received as 
&s reward, the ofhee of President of the United States ? Is k nothin" 
Jjt our om r u,v,s have spurned our petitions at the man? 

'"7" ,; : > V ha* have we to do with slavery ? Look at 

'"' /oaths , m ty, just sprung into being on our southern 

border, the prog, ny oi treason and robbery, a vile republic, or aS 
for the express purpose of re-establishing slavery on a soil from which 
"bid b , Lai ly exp, lied ; and providing for L perpetualTontinu- 
ance by constitu ,onal provisions, and daring to insult us, with the 

hTnr ° a r ] u l) ° ly ° f US trade '" lmman flesE-Yet northern specu! 
ators and politicians m conjunction with slaveholders, are now plotting 
to compel us to > ,■ sc0 ions into Q * h P g 

wth a territory capable of furnishing ei^h 

S \T" ^ ] b - v tluis S jvin S £ the enemies of humTn 

" - :J ' ' l '; o y, erw j»elmmng majority in congress, to subject this northern 

•minion of the South; and perhaps before Ion a to 

.eclikofchdnstore-eehoono^ 

!" ,, \J ,r "" r " "led with the blood and tears of shaves 

X union with Texas, endeavors are now makin* to 

' a war mth Mexico, and when the unholy alliance snaU 

', l .-. ' arewell to republican freedom, to 

a at home, or to respect abroad. This 

fair land, oil ,ry of all lands, will become a bye word, a «£ 

proach and a hissing; to all people, and we and our children will be 

jER£*Elu ^at the North had to do with slavery.- 

THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 
Texas. 

Mr. Barlow Hoi r-.- r ,, -all the attention of the House to the pre- 
teol affair, m the l'exas.-The importance of that territory 
was well known to all who were acquainted with its geographical 
n. Mr. Huakisson, aware that the United States would be 
J to annex the Texas to their territory, laid it down as a maxim, 
at Britain should on no account allow America to extend her 
boundary m the direction of Mexico—It was notorious that an enor- 
mous importation of slaves took place into the Texas, and if this 
system were allowed to continue, all the sums which we had expended 
m endeavoring to suppress the traffic in slaves would have been 
tnrown away. If we did not co-operate with Mexico in endeavouring 
to preserve the Texas for Mexico, and thus to prevent the importation 
of slaves into the Mexican territory, we had better at once withdraw 
our fleet from the coast of Africa, and abandon Sierra Leone. The 
United States, appeared to be acting a faithless part; they kept the 
boundary question open both with respect to Mexico and Great 
cntain. it they had not some sinister motive for keeping the question 



RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY. 

open, it ought to have been settled long since, as it would have been, 
if the United States had accepted the mediation of the King of Holland. 
It was not the standard of liberty and independence which was 
raised in the Texas, but the pirate's flag, under cover of which the 
slave-trade was carried on. We had interfered in the affairs of 
Holland and Belgium, Portugal and Spain ; why, then, should we 
not remonstrate in a friendly manner with the United States upon the 
conduct which they were pursuing with regard to the Texas ? 

Mr. O'Connel thought that humanity was indebted to the Hon. 
Member for bringing this question before the House. It was only by 
the expression of public opinion that we could hope to check the pro- 
gress of one of the most horrible evils the human mind could contem- 
plate — viz. the formation of eight or nine additional slaveholding states. 
The revolt of Texas was founded on nothing else but the abolition of 
slavery by the Mexican government. In 1824, the Mexican govern- 
ment had pronounced that no person after that period should be born 
a slave. In 1829 they went further, and abolished slavery, and 
immediately followed the revolt of the landholders, who had settled 
themselves in Texas. Who could contemplate without horror the 
calculation, as in the case of stocking a farm, what was the necessary 
complement of men and women, and when they would be ready and 
ripe for the market? It was a blot which no other country but 
America had ever yet suffered to stain its history — no nation on the 
face of the earth had ever been degraded by such crimes, except the 
high-spirited North American Republic. Talk of the progress of 
democratic principle! No man admired it more than he did. What 
became of it when its principal advocates could not be persuaded to 
abstain from such species of traffic as this ? Texas had speculated on it, 

Colonel Thompson asked whether it was not the fact that all the 
inhabitants of this province were Americans, and not Mexicans? It 
had been said in former times, ubi Romane vincis, ibi habitas; and 
with equal truth it might now be said, that where an American con- 
quered there he carried slavery as a necessary of life. — March dth, 1837. 



MEXICO. 




ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. 

I do not conceive how you can preserve the title of citizen of a 
nation at peace, harmony and friendship with Mexico, while, at the 
same time, you endeavor to do her all the harm in your power, and 
to cut off from her a part of its territory, by means you have em. 
ployed with such singular activity. This species of impudence with 
which you represent yourself as a citizen of the United States, ex. 
cites vivid recollections that your countrymen first commenced the 
war ; introduced disorder into Texas and still maintain it, in scan- 
dalous violation of the treaties which should, in good faith, unite the 
two nations. But leaving this examination to the criticism of the 
civilized world, which is ignorant neither of the origin, nor the ten- 
dencies of the usurpation of Texas, I will quickly show you, that 
you are mistaken, and that too, greatly, in supposing Mexico defi- 
cient either in strength or the will to maintain her incontestible 
rights. 

We have fully weighed the actual and the possible value of the 
territory of Texas, the advantage accruing to Mexico by retaining 
it in possession, and still more by the precarious situation to which 
she would find herself reduced were she to permit a colossus to arise 
within her own limits, always ready to advance, and covetous to ob- 
tain new acquisitions by the rite title of theft and usurpation : but 
even were the soil of Texas a mere desert of sand, unproductive save 
of thorns to wound the foot of the traveller, this plain, useless, sterile 
and unproductive, should be defended with energy and constancy, 
under the conviction that the possession of a right imposes upon a na- 
tion the necessity of never abandoning it, with shame and disgrace 
to her name. 

I promised in Texas, beneath the rifles of the tumultuary (tumui. 
tanous) soldiers, who surrounded me, that I would procure a hear- 
ing for their commissioners from my Government, and would exer- 
cise my influence to prevent, for the time being, a fatal struggle ; 
And this promise, whose object was to secure, without molestation, 
die retreat which the Mexican army had already commenced, and 
xhich I learned with the greatest sorrow from General Wall, natu- 



WILLIAM MACLURE. 

rally remained without effect, from sad consideration as prisoner ; bi- 
causc the aggressions of the Texians removed even the possibility of 
lightening the evils of war, and because they failed themselves, in 
their promises, they annulled the resolutions of him whom (hey called 
their cabinet, they caused me violently to disembark from the schooner 
Invincible; and abandoned mc to the excited pasnions of one hundred 
and thirty recruits just arrived from New-Orleans. 

In a different point of view, the question of Texas involves another 
of the greatest importance to the cause of humanity — that of slavery. 
Mexico, who has given the noble and illustrious example of renounc 
ing to the increase of her wealth, and even to the cultivation o r her 
fields, that she may not see them fattened with the sweat, the blood 
and the tears of the African race, will not retrocede in this course ; 
and her efforts to recover a usurped territory will be blessed by all 
those who sincerely esteem the natural and impracticable rights of 
the human species. 

The civilized world will not learn without scandal, that the in- 
habitants of the United States, infringing their own laws, and vio- 
lating the most sacred international rights, support for a second time, 
a usurpation which they have commenced, and constantly supported, 
abusing and mocking the generosity with which the Mexicans be- 
stowed upon their countrymen rich and coveted lands, and invited 
them to enjoy the benefit of their institutions. If Mexico should 
receive sucli hostility from those who call themselves her friends, sho 
will treat them as enemies in the field of battle, she will repel force 
with force, and she will appeal to the judgment of the Universe upon 
such an aggression, as unjust as it would be violent. 

ROBERT OWEN. 

I have seldom seen any public character except the late Mr. Jef- 
ferson, so apparently determined to examine any system to its first 
principles, as General Santa Anna. He wished to commence his 
examination with the first principles of the system, with the laws of 
our nature that he might be sure whether the base was sound or not, 
upon which the superstructure was erected. I left him with the im- 
pression that he had good talents for command, and that he was 
truly desirous of contributing to the prosperity of the country. 

WILLIAM MACLURE. 

The language of children in all countries where negroes are the 
nurses and servants, is sufficient proof of the imitation of sounds ; 
and a further examination of the characters formed by the unfortu- 
nate mixture of abject submission, cringing flatter)', and low, artful 
cunning, would finish the disagreeable picture of the characters of 
those, so unfortunate as to have slaves for their first companions and 
teachers. 

Of all the animals, man or what is called the better or higher or- 
ders, is the only class that do not attend to the instruction of their 
offspring themselves, but leave that essential duty to hirelings. We 



WILLIAM MACLURE. 

chould naturally suppose, that in doing so, they would at least em- 
ploy all their faculties of discrimination and selection, in the choice 
of the person or persons to whom they delegated that important trust; 
that they would surround their innocent progeny, with mildness, 
benevolence, friendship 'and good will towards man: so that every 
action they saw, and every expression they heard, should breathe 
nothing but peace, unanimity and friendly feeling, towards the whole 
human species. But how are these objects effected, when the forma- 
tion of the infant mind is entrusted to an untaught and therefore ig- 
norant slave ? 

Slaves, in this free country, though physically better treated, yet 
morally, by the contrast, are in a much more tantalizing situation, 
than in countries under despotism, where all are a kind of slaves, 
and not a ray of freedom flashes across the dismal field of universal 
coercion. When comparing their destiny with those around them, 
their motives for disobedience, discontent, revenge, &c. are much 
stronger, than in countries, where the chain of arbitrary power, 
though lighter near the source, yet weighs more or less heavily on all 
classes and descriptions of men. 

In all countries where there are slaves, whether white or black, 
there is a perpetual war between force and fraud. The master, as 
legitimate owner of all production of the slave, seizes the whole, and 
the slave, to recover part for his own use, exercises his ingenuity to 
purloin, what has been considered by law and habit, the property of 
the master. This alternation of legal and illegal hostilities, leaves 
both parties in a state of irritable retaliation, manifested by force on 
the part of the master, and retorted by cunning, subterfuge, deceit, 
and hypocrisy, by the slave ; a state of society which, while it clothes 
the master with an arbitrary power, necessary to its continuance, in- 
creases the temptation to crime on the part of the slave ; and thus 
becomes the cause of a partial demoralization of both. Between this 
high-handed violence, and low, deceitful cunning, can the imitative 
minds of children become otherwise than corrupted and vilia'ed ? 

It is the monopoly of property, knowledge and power, that has 
supported the assumed superiority of the whites over the colored peo- 
ple in all the European colonies. In Mexico, the vast number of 
native Mexicans must command power, when property and know- 
ledge shall lend their assistance, and join the strongest. 

The tyranny of the strongest over the weakest ha» been manifested 
in all states of society, even where civilization has made some pro- 
gress. The women are prevented, by the oppression of men, from 
being so useful either to themselves or others, as they would be, if 
freed from the arbitrary control of those who are only superior to 
them in physical strength. The improvement of mankind, has lost 
the aid and assistance of half the population, by the education of 
women being confined. 



THOMAS BRANAGAN. 

At the present crisis, no subject can be presented to the public eye 
more deserving of their serious attention than slavery ; our pros- 
perity, nay, our very existence as a nation depends upon the question 
before us, viz : Whether new slave-holding states, particularly Texas, 
shall be annexed to the American republic, till the planters of the 
South gain the sole sovereignty, as they ever have held the balance 
of power by a preponderating influence in congress, or not ? For 
instance, every cargo of slaves transported by the citizens of the 
South, and every additional slave state, not only enhances their 
riches, but increases their political influence ; for, according to the 
constitution, five slaves in the South are equal to two citizens in the 
North, with respect to the rights of suffrage. 

Slavery depends on the consumption of the produce of its labor for 
support. Refuse this produce, and slavery must cease. Say not 
that individual influence is small. Every aggregate must be com- 
posed of a collection of individuals. Though individual influence be 
small, the influence of collected numbers is irresistible. 

The number of representatives of slaves, alias southern property, 
has already increased to twenty-five, and they are urging the annexa- 
tion of new slave states. These considerations alone should cause 
our representatives to be on the alert, even laying aside the princi- 
ples of natural justice, moral rectitude, and the super-excellent pre- 
cepts of revelation, which inculcate, " that we should do to all men 
whatever we would that they should do unto us, and that we should 
love our neighbors (or all mankind) as ourselves." 

We certainly have increased in luxury, avarice, and systematical 
cruelty, since the epoch of our independence, more than any other 
nation ever did in the same number of years ; for what Rome was in 
her decline, America is in her infancy. We look with a supercilious 
glance upon personal virtue and national honor, while we are ena- 
moured with riches. We suffer ambition to monopolize the rewards 
that should be conferred on virtue ; nay, we supinely behold our fel- 
low citizens, not only enslave .and murder thousands of their inno- 
cent, unoffending fellow creatures periodically, but we permit them, 
by this unjust and unwarrantable medium, to gain not only riches to 
fill their coffers, but also political influence in our national councils, 
the permanent right of suffrage and sovereignty. For it is a lamen 
table fact, that for every two slaves the dealers in human flesh smug 
gle from Africa, or breed, they gain the same influence at elections, 



THOMAS BRANAGAN. 

as a free citizen inherits in his own person ; and a planter that pur. 
chases two hundred negroes, not only replenishes his piirse thereby, 
but also gains one hundred and twenty times as much influence in 
the nation, as the virtuous and honorable patriot who nobly refuses 
to prostitute his political and religious character, by participating in 
such unparalleled duplicity, hypocrisy, and viliany. Is such in- 
equality consistent with a republican form of government; is it con- 
sistent with justice, generosity, or even common sense ? No ; it is 
a canker that eats, and will of itself eventually destroy our consti- 
tution. If there was no other enemy to excite our fears and alarm 
our sensibility, this surely is sufficient. No less than sixty odd thou- 
sand slaves annually increase the representation. 

If your slavers wish to effect a counter revolution in the minds of 
your injured fellow citizens, you must first cause them to unlearn 
what they learned in " the times that tried men's souls ;" you must 
destroy their memories ; you must draw a mighty veil before their in- 
tellectual eyes, to screen the tragical end of slavery in the now re- 
public of Hayti ; you must consign every copy of the Rights of Man, 
and every other patriotic work, disseminated over the face of the 
earth, to the flames ; you must destroy the liberty of the press, that 
glorious privilege of freemen ; you must finally destroy our post offi- 
ces, and every conduit and vehicle of intelligence. Before you can 
fetter the understanding and blind the eyes of your fellow citizens, 
you must accomplish all these things and many more. 

I think and believe, that to sanction and support slavery in Texas, 
is a national crime that would have disgraced Sodom and Gomorrah. 
My mind is much affected by the case of the injured Indians, and by 
the Texas mania ; for sure I am, unless the friends of freedom strain 
every nerve, the tyrants of the south will gain their objects, as they 
have two or three times before. 

[Under the Mexican government slavery has been totally abolished 
in Texas, and elsewhere. The Texian rebels could have effected 
nothing but for the assistance of the southern states, (backed by 
northern doughfaces,) who have as fully waged the treasonable, pira- 
tical war they excited, as if it had been by them formally declared. 
The number of principled men in Texas is too small to redeem the 
country and their cause from the fathomless abyss of misery, degra- 
dation, and infamy into which this unprecedented establishment and 
perpetuation of slavery must inevitably plunge them, as well as the 
United States. The slave-mongers, slave-politicians, slave-presses, 
and slave-senators, have foisted the recognition of the independence 
of that slave region, and are urging its incorporation into the United 
States as rapidly as possible. The monstrous outrage against the 
laws of nature and of nations, unsurpassed by the blackest page of 
history, is fast tending to its fatal consummation !] 

The diabolical principle, which confers such a super-abundance of 
the paramount rights of suffrage and sovereignty upon a part of the 
citizens, accordingly as they enslave and torture their fellow men, to 
the great injury of the virtuous and honorable part of society — this 
infernal practice must be abolished, or the union must be dissolved, 
that is, if the spirit of '76 is not completely obliterated from the 



THOMAS BRANAGAtf. 

breasts of the citizens of the north ; for it is not only an insult to 
common sense, but degrading them to cowards, to suppose, that they 
will tamely see their sacred inalienable rights infringed by the exten- 
sion of slavery. 

Twelve amendments have been made to the constitution. Why 
not amend the principle alluded to? The constitution has provided 
ways and means to amend its own defects. Why not embrace this 
constitutional privilege, and eradicate this shameful inequality ? Is 
is not more eligible to accommodate any misunderstanding that may 
exist between the different states, in this way, than to do it by the 
force of arms ? Surely this would produce anarchy and intestine 
commotion ; and who, in such an event, will be the greatest sufferers ? 
I answer, and I ghudder while I answer, the Oppressors ! For how 
could they stand with injured innocence behind them, — their infuriated 
slaves ; and virtuous patriotism before them, — their insulted fellow 
citizens ? 

Is a diversity of color a certain proof of a diversity of species ? 
No. This argument, if it could prove any thing, would prove too 
much. It will be found, upon investigation, that there are among 
the nations of mankind, no less than four or five principal colors ; 
not to say any thing of the various intermediate shades, which ap- 
proach more or less towards each of them. What ! are there four 
or five species of human beings ? Is each of the four great quarters 
of the world inhabited by a distinct species of men ? Are there to 
be found even in the same quarter of the world, human beings of dif- 
ferent kinds ? 

Besides it appears to be a fixed law of nature, which operates in 
all parts of creation, that, if two animals of a different species pair, 
the offspring is unable to continue its species. Do not a black Afri- 
can and a white American, in instances innumerable, unite ? Cer- 
tainly ! Is the mulatto incapable of marriage ? No, he is as capa- 
ble of continuing his own color, as his white father is of continuing 
his. An irrefragable proof this, that the black and the white inhabi- 
tants of our globe constitute one species of beings. 

Whence the immense sums, which proprietors of plantations, and 
of negroes and mulattoes, receive annually, and spend in magnifi- 
cence and luxury ? Whence is all this great treasure ? How is it 
raised ? By the sweat, the blood, the tears, torments, the lives of 
your poor, hungry, naked, oppressed slaves. Are they so infinitely 
advantageous to you ? And can you refuse ; can you delay to hear 
the cry of their oppression, their sweat, and their blood ? Have you 
not, as a nation, been long distinguished and famous, for a free, inde- 
pendent, generous spirit? Is your constitution civil and religious, 
your glory among the nations of the world ? Do you suffer no slavery 
at the North ? Why do you allow it elsewhere ? Do you, year after 
year, concert the best measures which your wisdom can devise, for 
the prosperity and happiness of your white citizens at home and 
abroad ? Why overlook, neglect, and oppress, your black subjects ? 
Is there, can there be, such merit in one color, and such demerit in 
another ? 

Is industry a source of wealth to a nation ? Slavery must be the 



WILLIAM E. CHANNING. 

grand impoverisher, for it is an encouragement to idleness, and a de- 
preciator of labor. Docs virtue consolidate and strengthen a nation? 
Slavery, and its concomitant vices, must enervate, if not subvert it. 
How shamefully slavery exposes and endangers the virtue of females, 
I forbear to say ; delicacy would shudder at the recital. The female 
who in theory or practice is an advocate for slavery, cannot be a vo 
tary or a friend to chastity. — The Guardian Genius, 



JOSEPH STURGE. 

General Santa Anna's real crime in the eyes of the American slave- 
owner is his enforcing the abolition of slavery throughout the Mexi- 
can Republic, when they were looking to seize Texas as a market for 
their slaves. 

This object was publicly avowed by them years ago. In the de- 
bates in the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upsher said, " If 
it should be our lot, as I trust it will be, to acquire the country of 
Texas, their price (the slaves) will rise again." 

We are told by the advocates of the Texian scheme, as a caution 
not to interfere ; that the cause of emancipation has retrograded in 
the United States, •• owing to the intemperate zeal of the Northern 
abolitionists." I need not remind the friends of emancipation in Eng. 
land, that this was ever the favorite assertion of the slave-holders 
and their advocates, during the b! niggle for negro freedom in the 
British West India Colonies ; nor yet record the opinion of American 
gentlemen, most accurately informed on the subject, that the bold 
and strenuous efforts of the Northern abolitionists, in denouncing this 
plague-spot of their social and political system, have, within the last 
four years, done more towards effecting its extinction than the exer- 
tions of the previous half century. The slave-owners of the South 
know this full well. 

Such, then, being the fearful plan for erecting the new state of 
Texas, by giving new life and energy to a system of crime and in- 
justice, which in many of the neighboring states is sinking under its 
inherent rottenness, it becomes the duty of every real abolitionist, 
whether in England or America, to warn his countrymen against 
being decoyed within the sphere of its contaminating influence. The 
country is "designed to be the "home of the slave," and to be peopled 
by a trafHc more hideous than the African slave trade itself. 

WILLIAM E. CHANNING. 

Wars with Europe and Mexico are to be entailed on us by the an- 
nexation of Texas. And is war the policy by which this country is 
to flourish ? Was it for interminable conflicts that we formed our 
Union ? Is it blood shed for plunder, which is to consolidate our in- 
stitutions ? Is it by collision with the greatest maritime power, that 
our commerce is to gain strength ? Is it by arming against ourselves 
the moral sentiments of the world, that we are to build up national 
honor ? Must we of the North buckle on our armor, to fight the bat- 
tles of slavery ; to fight for a possession, which our moral principles 



WILLIAM E. CHANNING. 

and just jealousy forbid us to incorporate with our confederacy ? In 
attaching Texas to ourselves, we provoke hostilities, and at the same 
time expose new points of a'fack to our foes. Vulnerable at so many 
points, we shall need a vast military force. Great armies will re- 
quire great revenues, and raise up great chieftains. Are we tired of 
freedom, that we are prepared to place it under such guardians ? Is 
the republic bent on dying by its own hands? Does not every man 
feel, that, with war for our habit, our institutions cannot be pre- 
served ? If ever a country were bound to peace, it is this. Peace is 
our great interest. In peace our resources are to be developed, the 
true interpretation of the constitution to be established, and the inter, 
fering claims of liberty and order to be adjusted. In peace we are 
to discharge our great debt to the human race, and to diffuse freedom 
by manifesting its fruits. A country has no right to adopt, a policy, 
however gainful, which, as it may foresee, will determine it to a ca- 
reer of war. A nation, like an individual, is bound to seek, even 
by sacrifices, a position, which will favor peace, justice, and the ex- 
ercise of a beneficent influence on the world. A nation, provoking 
war by cupidity, by encroachment, and, above all, by efforts to pro. 
pagate the curse of slavery, is alike false to itself, to God, and to the 
human race. 

The annexation of Texas, I have said, will extend and perpetuate 
slavery. It is fitted, and, still more, intended to do so. On this 
point there can be no doubt. \s fur back as the year 1829, the an- 
nexation of Texas was agitated in the Southern and Western States ; 
and it was urged on the ground of the strength and extension it 
would give to the slave-holding interest. In a series of essays, as- 
cribed to a gentleman, now a senator in Congress, it was maintained, 
that five or six slave-holding states would by this measure be added to 
the Union ; and he even intimated that as many as nine States as 
large as Kentucky might be formed within the limits of Texas. In 
Virginia, about the same time, calculations were made as to the in- 
creased value which would thus be given to slaves, and it was even 
said, that this acquisition would rise the price fifty per cent. Of late 
the language on this subject is most explicit. The great argument 
for annexing Texas is, that it will strengthen " the peculiar institu 
tions" of the south, and open a new and vast field for slavery. 

Nor is the worst told. As I have before intimated, and it cannot 
be too often repeated, we shall not only quicken the domestic slave- 
trade ; we shall give a new impulse to the foreign. This, indeed, 
we have pronounced in our laws to be felony ; but we make our laws 
cobwebs, when we offer to rapacious men strong motives for their 
violation. Open a market, for slaves in an unsettled country, with a 
sweep of sea-coast, and at such distance from the seat of government 
that laws may be evaded with impunity, and how can you exclude 
slaves from Africa ? It is well known that cargoes have been landed 
in Louisiana. What is to drive them from Texas ? In incorporat- 
ing this region with the Union to make it a slave-country, we send 
the kidnapper to prowl through the jungles, and to dart, like a beast 
of prey, on the defenceless villages of Africa ; we chain the help- 
less, despairing victims ; crowd them into the fcetid, pestilential slave. 



N. P. ROGERS. 

ship ; expose them to the unutterable cruelties of the middle passage, 
and, if they survive it, crush them with perpetual bondage. 

I now ask, whether, as a people, we are prepared to seize on a 
neighboring territory for the end of extending slavery ? I ask, 
whether, as a people, we can stand forth in the sight of God, in the 
sight of the nations, and adopt this atrocious policy ? Sooner perish ! 
Sooner be our name blotted out from the record of* nations ! 



COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, 1838. 
44 Resolves against the annexation of Texas to the United States. 

44 Whereas a proposition to admit into the United States, as a con- 
stituent member thereof, the foreign nation of Texas, has been re- 
commended by the legislative resolutions of several States, and 
brought before Congress for its approval and sanction: and whereas 
such a measure would involve great wrong to Mexico, and other 
wise be of evil precedent, injurious to the interests and dishonorable 
to the character of this country ; and whereas its avowed objects are 
doubly fraught with peril to the prosperity and permanency of this 
Union, as tending to disturb and destroy the conditions of those com- 
promises and concessions entered into at the formation of the Consti- 
tution, by which the relative weight, of different sections and interests 
was adjusted, and to strengthen and extend the evils of a system 
which is unjust in itself, in striking contrast with the theory of our 
institutions, and condemned by the moral sentiment of mankind : and 
whereas the People of these United States have not granted to any or 
all of the departments of their Government, but have retained in 
themselves, the only power adequate to the admission of a foreign na- 
tion into this confederacy ; therefore, 

"Resolved. That we, the Senate and House of Representatives in 
General Court assembled, do, in the name of the People of Massa- 
chusetts, earnestly and solemnly protest against the incorporation oi 
Texas into this Union ; and declare that no act done, or compact 
made, for such purpose, by the Government of the United States, 
will be binding on the States or the People. 

44 Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be requested to for- 
ward a copy of these resolves, and the accompanying report, to the 
Executive of the United States, and the Executive of each State ; 
and also to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, 
with a request that they present the resolves to both Houses of Co'n- 



NATHANIEL P. ROGERS. 

We should not be surprised, if by reason of this slave-holding, our 
nation should get involved in a war with Mexico — with all the re- 
maining tribes of American Indians our Christianity has spared, and 
Great Britain besides, backed up by the sympathies of the whole 
christian world. If it should, the Republic will be in an enviable 
predicament. British steamers and war craft cover the ocean. We 
have Canada on the North, Aboriginality and Mexico on the West. 



3» 



D. L. CHILD. 

The West Indies on the south, with 3,000,000 dark allies* dispersed 
upon the plantations, to facilitate and further a visit to the " Patriot 
States," — and New Brunswick beyond the pine woods of the disputed 
territory. To meet all this, we have a bankrupt treasury — a corrupt 
and confounded people — the " peculiar institution," to inspirit us, and 
Texas to help us, as an ally. There is not a people under heaven, 
that could sympathize with us in such a contest, but the Republic of 
Texas. Texas is a Republic, to be sure, and almost the only one on 
earth, besides ours. Her Republican sympathy would out weigh that 
of monarchy and despotisms, on the other side. But then it would 
not work to much purpose for us, against the pressure of the British 
steamer. It would not avail us greatly as a counter propulsion. It 
might inspire our hearts, with enthusiasm to fight for slavery and 
equal rights, — but it would not Waft artillery, like the floats of the 
British steam ship, or guard us from the tomahawk of the universal 
west, which such a war would call back against us from all the re- 
gions of Indian banishment, where revenge has been sharpening its 
edge, and hushing the animosities of the hostile tribes in one over 
whelming enmity to the race, that has outraged their love of home 
and native land, and fathers? graves. And if we fall in such a war- 
fare, it would be glorious enough — however unfortunate for the cause 
of Liberty. Slavery has been troublesome to us. ever since we were 
a nation. But we have seen but the beginning of sorrows. It can- 
not remain well with us. It were in impeachment of the equal ways 
of Providence, if such a nation as this has been, can have prosperity, 
or experience any thing but. signal retribution. To have enslaved hu 
inanity, under circumstances like these, is no light transgression, and 
brings with it, naturally, no light retribution. And our solemn 
statesmen, — when it burst upon us, can no more devise relief or es- 
cape, than Belshazzar's wise men could help him in Ins extremity, or 
read the writing on the wall. — Herald of Freedom 

DAVID LEE CHILD. 

What authority had president Jackson to commence the war in 

Texas? Not a jot more than Gen. Gaines. His power, in respect 
to making war upon a foreign nation, is restricted by the constitu- 
tion to the repelling of invasions ; and lie cannot, without a violation 
of the constitution, and his oath, march a man beyond the limits of 
the Union. If it be true, as there appears no reason to doubt, that 
he has done this, he ought by law to be impeached, and expelled 
from office, and then punished by fine and imprisonment, or given 
up to the injured nation to be punished by them for any murder or 
robbery, which, the troops may commit, in pursuing ins orders. He 
has no more right to enter Mexico, seize property and slay inhabi- 
tants, whether Indians or others, than any citizen of the United 
States has to go into Great Britain and do it. Such acts will be rob- 
bery, piracy, or murder, and ought to be punished accordingly. 

The power of declaring war is vested exclusively in the congress 
of the United States; and there cannot be a lawful war, and one 
which *>hall confer upon those taking part in it, the rights of war, 



E. W. GOODWIN. 

without such declaration. Supposing Com. Porter, when he enterei. 
the town of Foxardo, in the Island of Porto Rico,— or Aaron Burr, 
when ha entered Texas, thirty years ago, had been taken with their 
officers and men ; would they not have been put to death agreeably 
to the law of nations. So would Gen. Jackson and his men, when, 
in two instances, they deliberately marched into Florida, and seized 
the towns and possessions of Spain. If the constitution had been 
supported, and the laws of the land faithfully executed, on either of 
those occasions, we should not now have had a president who would 
have ventured to issue an order to invade a friendly country and be- 
gin a war ; nor a general who would dare to obey it, nor a subordi- 
nate officer, who would not throw up his commission, nor a soldier 
who would not throw down his arms at the frontier, and refuse, as 
they might lawfully and dutifully do, to be the instruments of usur- 
pation, and the perpetrators of crime. 

And where arc the remonstrances of the press, and the meetings 
of the people ? Where are the friends of universal peace, and above 
all, where is the Christian priesthood? And you merchants, ship- 
owners, and underwriters, where are you ? Know you not that this 
presidential i fatally opposed to the purest devotion to self- 

interest that ever chilli l a half-penny heart? Awake, arise; it is 
not (only) a breach of the constitution. There is a breach in the 
strong . . 

If any circumstance could enhance the intrinsic wickedness or the 
executive pi , it is the end and object at which they are 

aiming. It is to PROPAGATE SLAVERY, or in other words, 
perpetual robbery, rapine, and murder throughout a. vast and beauti- 
ful rcgi n now, by the laws of M xico, perfectly free. It is to open 
a new and interminable slave-market to the old slave-breeding sinners 
of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and other old 
slave sta e , an I to .1 s urn »ngers every where. It is to bring into 
this Union, for the benefit of nullifiers, five to ten new slave 
states, each with a Coi ution, not only establishing slavery, but 
also forbidding their own legislatures ever to abolish it. 1 his is a 
provision of the new constitution of Texas, formed since the strug- 
gle forlibertj commenced! The old or Mexican constitution of 
Texas abolished slavery forever! ^ 

And the free slates are willing to pay three fourths of the taxes 
(as they ever must so long as they are raised on consumption) to sup- 
port a war for these objects; for, remember if war exists, « appropria- 
tions must be made to cany it on.' 



EDWIN W. GOODWIN. 



Texas.— A correct idea of the importance, magnitude, and power 
of that nation, for which such an anxiety is expressed that it may be 
united with this country, may be obtained from the fact that the 
whole vote for President at the late election, was 10,084 ; only about 
one-ninth'aa many votes as were cast at our late presidential election 
in the single state of Illinois. ffi11( ,. ftia , . , , 

The national debt of this immense people is $11,602,127, includ- 



J. R. GIDDINGS. 

mg the appropriation of ihe last congress, and $1,000,000 of bonds 
Hypothecated by Gen. Hamilton. This, upon an average, is about 
eleven hundred and sixty dollars to each voter at the late election. It 
is a very reasonable conclusion then, that the people of Texas are 
anxious to form a new connection in business, especially if the pro- 
posed partner has some money or credit. 

" By Art IV. Sect. 2, of the Constitution, fugitives from justice 
are to be delivered up on demand, to the state from which they fled ; 
so that Texas, if annexed to the United States, would be left without 
a corporal's guard !" — Tocsin of Liberty. 



JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. 

Our constituents are asked to engage in a war with one of the most 
powerful nations of the earth, in order to enable the slave-dealers of 
the south to carry their slaves out of the territory and jurisdiction of 
the slave states under the flag of our common country. They insist 
upon the privilege of involving our constituents, the free people of 
Ohio, in the disgrace and expense of maintaining what Mr. Jeffer- 
eon calls " an execrable commerce in human beings." Against these 
abuses our constituents have remonstrated. Conscious that they are 
unconstitutional infringments of their rights, they have year after 
year sent their petitions here, praying in the most respectful manner 
that they may be relieved from these oppressions and from such un- 
constitutional taxation. They have approached congress in the most 
respectful manner, and in the most unexceptionable language have 
asked that these abuses may cease. These petitions have been treated 
with contempt and the most insulting epithets applied to the people 
who have thus dared to approach their servants. When petitioning 
for the protection of their constitutional rights, they have been falsely 
represented as attempting to invade the rights of others. When they 
have asked relief from taxation for the support of slavery, they have 
been represented as attempting to interfere with the vested rights of 
others. When they have asked congress to repeal the laws of their 
own enacting, they have been held up to the country and the world, 
as seeking for unconstitutional objects which congress had no power 
to grant. — Letter to the Members of Congress, March 5, 1842. 



Resolutions offered by Mr. Giddings, for which he was censured by 
a majority of the house. 

Resolved, That slavery, being an abridgement of the natural rights 
of man, can exist only by force of positive municipal law, and is ne- 
cessarily confined to the territorial jurisdiction of the power creat- 
ing it. 

Resolved, That when the brig Creole, on her late passage for New- 
Orleans, left the territorial jurisdiction of Virginia, the slave laws of 
that state ceased to have jurisdiction over the persons on board said 
brig, and such persons became amenable only to the laws of the 
United States. 

Resolved, That all attempts to exert our national influence in fa- 



Z. EASTMAN. 



vor of the coastwise slave trade, or to place this nation in the atti 
tude of maintaining a " commerce in human beings," are subversive 
of the rights and injurious to the feelings and the interests of the free 
states ; are unauthorized by the constitution, and prejudicial to our 
national character. 



MR. MAYNARD. 

Under the pretence of preventing any Indian disturbances, while 
the Texian soldiers and citizens are in the service against the Mexi- 
cans, the Secretary of War has put Gen. Taylor in command of a 
body of U. S. troops, and sent him to that republic, with discretionary 
powers ; and every one who knows how General Gaines managed be. 
fore, under similar circumstances, and how such matters were con- 
ducted by Gen. Jackson, in Florida, will of course understand, that 
this is equivalent to sending an army of 2,000 men, to the aid of 
Texas. Under the same pretence before, our army was marched 
some 200 miles into Mexican territory, If I remember rightly, and 
if necessary, no doubt will be again. — Madison Abolitionist 

STARTLING FACTS. 

The late three years' war with England, the most powerful nation 
in the world, cost the United States about $90,000,000. 

The three years' war in Florida, with a remnant tribe of Seminole 
Indians and a few runaway Negroes, has cost us $40,000,000, or 
nearly half the whole expense of our war with England ! ! ! 

The war against the miserable Indians and Negroes, was wickedly 
commenced, has been ingloriously conducted, and threatens to be in- 
terminable? 

There is not, in the history of wars among civilized nations, a 
parallel for the wantonness, imbecility and corruption which distin- 
guishes this dishonorable, infamous crusade.— Albany Evening 
Journal. 



ZALMON EASTMAN. 

So it appears to be a plan already matured, that troops are to be 
conveyed from this country directly into the territory of Mexico, 
without setting a foot on the soil of Texas. 

Remember, that the original contest with Mexico, was not com. 
menced for liberty, but for the purpose of introducing slavery into 
Texas, and for wresting that territory from Mexico, that it might be 
joined to the United States to strengthen the slave power here. And 
remember also, that the sympathy manifested for the people of Texas, 
and all this violation of neutrality and the laws and usages of na- 
tions, is not svmpathv for the oppressed, nor for the extension or pre- 
servation of liberty, but is sympathy for the oppressor, and these 
plans are carried out for the sake of strengthening the chains of the 
slave, and for extending the dominion of slavery.— Genius of Liberty. 



THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. 

GAMALIEL BAILEY. 

The report of the invasion of Texas by Mexico, is confirmed. 
Many of our newspapers never tire in eulogizing the spirit of the 
Texians on this occasion. 

The conduct of a certain portion of our citizens in relation to the 
belligerents deserves notice. A meeting has been held in Cincinnati, 
to sympathize with the revolted province ; a similar one in Philadel- 
phia. Meantime, open efforLs are made to enlist the people of the 
United States in a crusade against Mexico. Tiie National Intelli- 
gencer coolly announces that ''a company of seventy emigrants, 
well armed and equipped, left Mobile on the 24th ultimo for Texas, 
on an exploring expedition." A correspondent of the Daily Message, 
writing from New-Orleans, March 26th, says— that "fresh recruits 
are marching from every quarter to aid them (the Texians.) in their 
glorious struggle. Last Sunday the steamship Neptune left this port 
with two hundred fearless and gallant spirits. May the God of bat- 
tles crown their efforts with speedy and brilliant success." 

Why have we no president's message to repress these hostile de- 
monstrations towards a power, with winch we are at peace ? Here 
are armed bands marching from this country against Mexico, in vio- 
lation of good faith and of the laws of the United States, and yet 
John Tyler, whose oath of office binds him to " take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed," looks on and is silent ! We all know 
how prompt was the executive with its proclamation, when the hos- 
tility of our northern borderers was likely to interrupt the friendly re- 
lations with Great Britain. But circumstances alter cases. Eng. 
land is a formidable, Mexico a feeble, power. We were afraid of the 
former ; but most valiantly do we bully the latter. Besides, slavery 
had nothing to gain from irruptions into Canada ; so a pro-slavery 
government was most scrupulous in fulfilling the obligations imposed 
by the laws of nations. But, having every thing to gain by the 
separation of Texas from Mexico, the government which it controls, 
connives at the most flagitious aggressions by our citizens on that 
friendly state ! And yet this government, after having permitted 
many of its citizens to inflict outrage after outrage on Mexico, affects 
a saint-like countenance, and complains of the hostility of our neigh- 
bor ! Most perfidious ! 

" And thus I clothe my naked villiany, 

And seem a saint, when most I play the devil." 

Some wretched trucklers to the powers that be, are apt to repre- 
sent opposition to the administration of the government as treason 
against the country. Poor fools ! they should be slaves to the grand 
Turk. It is because we love our country — its honor, its interest — 
that we abhor the government, as it has long been administered. It 
does not represent the people of the United States. It is the expo- 
nent and instrument of one interest — the tool of a single class. That 
interest is slavery, that class is made up of slave-holders and their 
northern menials. Let the government be redeemed from this degra- 
dation, and be controlled by the constitution, interpreted in the light 



ANTI-TEXAS. 



of the Declaration of Independence, and then may we expect to 
see this republic respecting the rights of all mankind, acting with even- 
handed justice towards all nations, the weak, as well as powerful.— 
The Philanthropist. 



NATIONAL A. S. STANDARD. 

Let abolitionists be on their guard, and not be deceived by quieting 
rumors. We have it from high authority, too well informed to be?nis. 
taken, that the slaveholders were never more intent upon their favorite 
plan of annexing Texas than at the present moment. They are doubt- 
less ready to spring the trap at any favorable moment. Let not aboli- 
tionists be lulled to sleep by the disclaimer of General Hamilton, who 
says he would rather not have Texas belong to the United States. Cats 
have covered themselves with meal before now to catch old rats. Neither 
let them be too sure that the rumored mediation of Fiance and England 
between .Mexico and Texas is going to avert the danger of annexation. 
It is indeed difficull to foretell what will be the result of all this plot- 
ting and underplotting ; but one thing is certain — abolitionists have 
need to keep wide awake ; for no single event involves such disastrous 
consequences to the cause of freedom, as this. 

Let the opinion of the free States be earnestly and perseveringly 
expressed in the form of petitions and the action on the Stale legisla- 
tures on Congress. There is need of this. Be not lulled into false 
security. Will anti-slavery papers copy t 1 ". articles which we have from 
the New-York American? Prevention is much easier than cure. We 
trust the English and Irish abolitionists will keep themselves well in- 
formed on this important question, and will see that John Q. Adams's 
Address at Braintree is extensively circulated. — L. Maria Child. 



WILLIAM L. MACKENZIE. 

The intrigues of the United States slave-owners it was, which con. 
verted Texas into a place of bondage in the man of color. Honest 
Mexico had made it fiee alike to all men in 1829, and for this offence 
has southern vengeance and European diplomacy continued to strike 
at the tranquillity of her devoted population ever since, while it is whis- 
pered that Cass, the agent of the south in Paris, was not unfriendly to 
Louis Phillipe's villainous attack. 

Again, Cuba was about to seek independence, and ofter equal liber- 
ty to all its inhabitants some years ago. But it is well known that 
Messrs. Clay and Adams in 1827, and Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Van 
Ness in lfci29, made the most urgent remonstrances to old Spain against 
permitting such a step. The south was ready to tender the aid of 
the arms of the great American republic to crush a struggle 
for freedom, which might end in yielding an asylum to a Virginia 
mulatto slave. Not content with the gains of their own serfs, the 



THE LEGION OP LIBERTY. 

avarice of man is such, that of 177 slave ships which arrive every 
year in Cuba, five-ninths are owned and fitted out in this Union un- 
der the fostering care of its government, and their guilty gains are 
truly enormous. 

Compare the conduct of the slave power at "Washington to Texas, 
and to Canada. Scattered along an extensive line, without muni- 
tions of war, without provisions, almost without clothing, pursued 
by the English forces on one side, and by the troops under the com- 
mand of General Scott on the other, during a most severe and stormy 
winter. Such was the situation of the Canadian republicans in 1838. 
The Texians were slave-owners fighting to re-establish slavery on a 
soil from which it had been recently banished by the Mexicans ; the 
American government gave them every possible aid and assistance. 
The Canadian Patriots fought for liberty to all, and no negro slavery 
could be expected to crown their triumphs. — McKenzie's Gazette 
June, 1840. 



LA ROY SUNDERLAND. 

Meetings in favor of Texas and against Mexico, have been held in 
every southern and south-western city. Upwards of fifty thousand 
dollars in money and munitions have been subscribed for the Texians. 
And it is said, that several have already left this city for Texas, in 
order to engage in the war against Mexico. 

Who can witness these efforts to support and extend slavery, and 
not feel a blush of indignation for this boasted republic ! And look, 
too, at the prodigality with which the slave-holders pour out their 
money, and for the basest of purposes, while the cause of human 
rights, at the north, languishes for the want of support. — iV. Y. 
Watchman. 



The south never will give the slave up until the North is converted 
to our doctrines. While the north regards the colored man as it now 
does, it would be a Herculean, a desperate enterprise for the south to 
undertake the emancipation of the slave. The north must make its 
peace with the " free colored man," before the south can emancipate 
the slave. It would not save the country, or free the slave, to enact 
the abolition of slavery by congress, and by every state general court 
in the union, without a moral change in the white population to- 
wards the black, and the consequent revolution of feeling in the black 
towards the white man. Nothing can effect this change but the ac- 
tion and prevalence of anti-slavery societies and principles. — Anti- 
Slavery Manual. 



Change of Opinion. — Mr. J. B. Lamar, formerly warmly and ac- 
tively engaged in the support of the Texian cause, is not disposed, it 
appears to pursue the same course at present. In a letter to the Sa- 
vannah Georgian, he says, that " time, reflection, and a more en- 
lightened conscience, convince him that any interference with the 
war in Texas, by citizens of one of the United States, is a violation 



THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. 

of the laws of our own country, and inconsistent with our interests 
and the doctrines we hold of like conduct in others towards us; and 
he must therefore in justice to himself, not only decline the appoint- 
ment, (to which he had been called by a meeting, held in Savannah, 
of friends of that cause,) hut refuse to contribute to the object in any 
way whatever." — Boston Daily Mail 



ARCHIBALD L. LINN. 

Recent even's have satisfied me that new and serious attempts are 
to be made to accomplish the annexation of Texas to this Union. 
One of the principal instruments in the scheme is to be found in the 
character of the present mission to Mexico, and, as no higher in- 
terests can be involved in our foreign intercourse than the political 
cousiderations which belong to this mission, I feel it my duty to ad- 
vert to them at the earliest opportunity. 

Whoever would look back upon the history of our relations with 
Mexico in reference to the province of Texas — of the first settle- 
ment of that provicc — and of the men who and the influences 
which produced the revolution there and her separation from Mexico ; 
whoever would look back upon the legislation of congress — of the 
legislation of several of the states of the union, and upon the opin- 
ions and influences of men in all parts of the country ; whoever 
would trace the whole progress of that revolution from its inception 
down to the present, time, and connect it with the present events and 
present condition of that country, would come to the conclusion that 
the political difficulties which had heretofore existed between this go. 
vernment and Mexico, had reference only to the annexation of Texas 
— and that the efforts to attain that object were to be renewed, with 
all the moral and political evils which could not fail to accompany it. 

Mr. L. then glanced briefly at the history of Texas as a province, 
to show that the whole history of diplomacy on this subject, (of which 
he said, he had copious no'es,) and the whole history of legislation 
went to show that the annexation of Texas, (whether successful or 
not,) was the desired fruit of the present mission to Mexico. He re- 
ferred to the representative history of General VVaddy Thompson, as 
a member of this house, to show that that gentleman had introduced 
a proposition for the recognition of the independence of Texas ; that 
he had pursued a course which pledged him to that step. And he 
(Mr. L.) hesitated not to predict that one of the fruits of this mis. 
sion, as now created, would be a renewal of the proposition for the 
annexation of Texas to the United States. 

Mr. L. passed on to notice the claims of the citizens of the United 
States against the government of Mexico, in relation to which a 
commission has been in session for some two years past ; and expres- 
sed the conviction that the grand finale of these claims (if ever set- 
tled at all) would be the relinquishment of them on the part of this 
government, either by means of a recognition of the independence 
of Texas, or a direct cession of Texas to this government. And it 



W. SLADE. 

was to prevent the evils arising from this slate of things, that this 
mission ought not, in his judgment to he allowed. 

Notwithstanding our aggressions upon Mexico, (which he did not 
advert to, but which were matters of history,) we were still, at least 
professedly, at peace with her, under solemn treaties of amity and 
commerce. By what rule, then, of national law or national honor 
we were justiiied in interfering in the affairs of Texas, he could not 
divine — Texas, a province in a stale of open revolt, whose indepen- 
dence Mexico had never recognized, hut against which she was at 
this time waging a most uncompromising war. Whence, then, the 
sympathy and enthusiasm which had been excited on the subject in 
this country ? Whence the injustice and breach of national faith 
against Mexico, which had engendered so much ill-blood and ill-feel- 
ing against a government which was doing the most that she was 
able to do, to establish free institutions of the same kind as our own ? 
Whence the abandonment, of the policy of non-interference, which 
had been so studiously cultivated and adhered to by this government 
in all the contests which had taken place on this continent ? Or 
who could doubt that the continuance of negotiations between this 
government and Mexico, in relation to the annexation of Texas, 
would inevitably lead to war ? And Mr. L. alluded to the probabili 
ty, in 6uch an event, of interference on the part of Great Britain 
— Speech in Congress, April 13, 1842. 



W I TAJ AM SLADE. 

Mr. S. had been greatly surprised at the nomination to Mexico of 
a public man who had always zealously advocated the cause of Texian 
independence. Gentlemen in the south did not appreciate the feeling 
which pervaded this country in reference to this Texian question. 
Throughout, more than half "the stales of this union, it was walched 
with the utmost jealousy, and excited the deepest feeling, because it 
was well known that anxious efforts had long been going on to effect 
the annexation of Texas to the United States, and ft was as perfectly 
understood that the entering w< Ige to the accomplishment of such a 
design was never applied in the open light, of day, but secretly, and, 
for aught that appeared upon the surface, that wedge might not only 
be entered, but driven up past all 'nope of retraction before the" fact 
was known at all. And there were, those in this union who looked 
the more sharply at all such measures from their apprehension as to 
the connexion between the annexation of Texas and the extension of 
slavery. Whether these persons were imprudent or not, in the course 
they pursued — whether or not they adopted the best means to accom- 
plish their ohjects, and whether their ahstract positions were sound or 
not, still they were perpetually on the wa^ch-tower, looking with 
eao-le eyes at every movement bearing on the Texian question, and 
but for their unsleeping vigilance, the so much desired union between 
that country and this would have been effected long ago. Here Mr. 
S. referred to the vast number of petitions which they had sent up 
against the annexation. That number was not so great now, because 
an impression had begun to prevail that the danger was now over. 



W. SLADE. 

\\ it Mr. S. pould assure them they were entirely mistaken. It was 
not over; very far i\->:n it. and he thanked the gentleman from New- 
York. (Mr. Linn,) for rousing the attention of the country to the 
subject. What had they seen during the last year? Not only did 
the public press of the south and south-west come out openly for an- 
nexation, but several of the states had passed official resolutions to 
the same effect ; and when brought into the House of Representa- 
tives, how were they treated ? Not as the abolition resolutions even 
from state legislatures were. They were not only received, but or- 
dered to be printed, that they might be considered and acted upon. 
The same thing had been done at the other end of the capitol. All 
this was done with the intent of forming public opinion, and, so far, 
it was all fair. But if a northern abolitionist should attempt any 
means to counteract such opinion at the south, by arguments how- 
ever strong and however reasonable, he must straightway be seized 
and hung to a lamp post. [A laugh.] 

The American people never could be drawn into any such mea- 
sure as the annexation of Texas ; it would be utter ruin to the union 
of the states. Mr. S. would not give a snap of his fingers for this 
union from the day such a measure was effected. It would be dis- 
solvi d ipso fur.!') from that moment. He was a friend to the union ; 
ho desired to see it preserved, and therefore he deprecated a scheme 
that must dissolve it. 

He would say, in general terms, that he believed it arose from a 
desire to extend and to perpetuate slavery. That such a desire did 
exist was a fact beyond dispute ; it had been manifested with greater 
or less distinctness for the last forty years ; in its practical effects it 
had trampled on all the safeguards of the constitution, and lengthened 
the cords and strengthened the stakes of slavery in this land. The 
general expectation at the adoption of the constitution, was that 
slavery would be abolished in less than a quarter of a century ; but 
half a century had elapsed, and instead of being abolished it had in- 
creased three-fold. This process began with the purchase of Louisi- 
ana, or rather, with the toleration of slavery in that state, and it 
had been extended in the free states since formed out of the Louisiana 
purchase. Mr. S. considered this as having inflicted a deeper wound 
on the constitution than any other event that had ever happened since 
its adoption. 

Mr. S. could show, did time permit, how slavery had governed this 
land ; how it had chosen our presidents for a succession of forty 
years, while there had, since the foundation of the government, been 
"a president in the chair from the free states but for twelve years and 
one month. And of these, one never would have been president had 
he not been " a northern man with southern principles." A review 
of the individuals who had filled the speaker's chair of this house 
would show the same thing. 

He might refer to the fact that five out of six of those who had 
filled the mission to Mexico, had been gentlemen from the southern 
states. Of the reason of such a selection there could be no doubt. 
He need not say how impossible it was to carry on important nego- 
tiations with almost any government, and especially with Mexico, 



THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. 

without their having m important bearing on our relations with other 
governments. And here he took occas'on to repel the expressions of 
contempt which had fallen from Mr. Cashing, in which he spoke of 
gentlemen cowering under the f.own of Great Britain, and of being 
actuateu by a dread of British interferenoe. The peopla of New- 
England would be tne very last to be actuated by such a feeling, as 
the glorious history of this country would abundantly show. But 
while we were ready to maintain our rights aga'nst all the world, it 
was the part of wisdom and prudence not to be insensible to the dan- 
ger of becoming needlessly embroiled with other governments. The 
gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Pickens,) had given pretty 
strong indications not only of a very strong sympathy with the cause 
of Texas, but of a disposition to carry that feeling into our relations 
with Mexico. He had alluded to what he supposed to be a fact, that 
the British governmont stood pledged to that of Mexico, to aid it un- 
der certain contingencies. If this were true, it was of itself suffi- 
cient to put every prudent statesman on his guard. 

Mr. S. would tell gentlemen that their scheme never could be car- 
ried into effect ; there might be a union on parchment, but it never 
could go down with the people of the northern slates. Let the thought 
be banished at once. Let not gentlemen deceive themselves — he 
could tell them that the very moment they came out and showed their 
hand they would find a spirit which they little dreamed of. He v/ouid 
say to them, as a friend, " hands off." Let this government declare 
at once to Texas, to Mexico, and to all the world beside, that such 
a thing as a union between Texas and the United States was utterly 
impracticable. When this should have been done, the government of 
Mexico would be more likely to open their ears to the claims of 
American citizens. Let it be distinctly understood that the moment 
we united ourselves with Texas, thai moment we married ourselves 
to a war. He was, therefore, for a proclamation of neutrality. 
Why should this measure not be resorted to in relation to our neigh- 
bors at one extremity of the union as to those at the other? We 
did it relalion to Canada, why not in regard to Texas and Mexico? 
We owed this to ourrelves and to the peace of the world. We stood 
in a highly dangerous position — before we knew it the matches might 
ba applied to the magazine. 



THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. 

THE BRITISH EMANCIPATOR. 

Texas. — It is a deplorable thing in this age of the world, after 
such gigantic and persevering efforts have been made to get rid of 
slavery and the slave-trade, and with so much success, that in a 
country in which slavery had been abolished, (and that country four 
times as large as France,) this curse and crime should be restored ! 
It is yet more deplorable, that this restoration of slavery should have 
the effect, and should have been brought about for the purpose, of 
providing a vast and almost boundless market for the slaves reared 
like cattle by an adjoining nation, boasting, to be civilized and chris- 
tian ! The domestic slave-trade has made the United States the sink 
and the scorn of the world • yet, this more than infernal traffic is to 
find an inexhaustible outlet in Texas ! Yet more deplorable is it, that 
a nation born amidst the agonies of the slavery it revives, and exist- 
ing but for the perpetuation and aggravation of atrocities which all 
civilized governments have agreed to denounce and exterminate, 
should by any one of those governments have been acknowledged as 
a nation at all. Humanity bleeds on contemplating slavery as a fact 
of the past ; it is dreadful to see it originating anew. A nascent peo- 
ple ordaining slavery should have met with not a moment's toleration; 
they should been frowned and trodden out of being by the united scorn 
and resistance of the civilized world. — The British Emancipator. 

The Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety, to Lord Palmerston, Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 

The committee will not trouble your Lordship with a detail of the 
unjust and atrocious manner in which the Mexican province of Texas 
has been wrested from the parent state by unprincipled adventurers, 
land jobbers, and slave-holders from the United States, whose con- 
duct merits the most indignant rebuke, and must attach lasting dis- 
honor to all who may become implicated in it : but would press on 
the consideration of your Lordship and the government the well-known 
fact, that the legislature of Texas has abolished the universal freedom 
which, with such admirable justice and propriety, had been decreed 
by the Mexican government, and have re-established slavery in its 
worst form. The committee would also call your Lordship's atten- 
tion to the fact, that the Texian laws also provide for the expulsion 
from its territory of all Africans and the descendants of Africans, 
whether in whole or in part born free, as well as of the native In- 
dian tribes, an iniquity not less cruel than it is infamous, and un- 
paralleled in the history of any civilized people. 

The establishment of slavery in Texas will open an immense mar 
ket for the slave-breeders of the United States, and will inevitably 
enlarge to an unprecedented extent, and raise to a pitch of unpre- 
cedented horrors, a traffic so infamous and deplorable. Nor can it 
be doubted but, in spite of the law which prohibits it, the slave-trade 
with Africa, against which the whole power of the British empire is 
arrayed, will be extensively carried on, as there is too great reason 
to believe it has already begun. 

Under these circumstances, the committee trust that her Majesty s 
government will regard the proposed recognition of Texas with the 



THE LEG10S OF LIBERTY. 

greatest abhorrence ; and they cherish an earnest hope that in their 
decisions, considerations of humanity, justice, and liberty will be 
firmly held paramount to every other. On behalf of the Committee, 
G. W. ALEXANDER, Chairman. 



GEORGE BRABBURN. 

Until lately. Texas was, as it now is of right, a part of the re- 
public of Mexico. While Mexico was under the dominion of Spain, 
slavery was tolerated there. But on becoming independent of the 
mother country, she, with a consistency of which our country would 
have done well to set the example, gave liberty to her bondmen, and 
declared, that slavery should exist no'more within her borders forever. 
With this state of things, the people were evidently well enough sa- 
tisfied. For, they were not the hypocrites to withhold from others 
the liberty which they had fought and bled to secure for themselves. 
They had not yet been contaminated by association with North Ameri- 
can republicans. They would, therefore, to a man, have remained 
satisfied, but for the ' foreign interference' — the emigration into 
their country of a desperate set of speculators, gamblers, blacklegs, 
fleshmongers, slave-drivers, and demagogues, from these United 
States. These miserable libels upon humanity, though they did not 
without great difficulty, and never wholly, succeed in joining to their 
causes the old settlers of the soil, did, nevertheless, by accession to 
their numbers from this country, and by aid of friends they left be- 
hind, who, unlike themselves it seems, had not quite patriotism 
enough to leave their country for their country's good, ultimately felt 
themselves sufficiently strong to attempt the transfer of their allegi- 
ance from Mexico to the government of the United States. They 
desired to establish slavery in their new country. It was one of the 
chief objects of their rebellion. The plan was regarded with favor 
by the slave-holding members of this Union, as also by certain land- 
sharks of the free states, who had made investments in Texan lots. 
The former saw in it a powerful means of strengthening their " pe- 
culiar institution." Both knew, if it succeeded, it would put money 
into their pockets. 



EDMUND QUINCY. 

There are perils, and those imminent — perils, which in the opinion 
of many wise men threaten to lock forever the fetters of the slave, 
and even to throw the links of the chain around the limbs of the free. 
If Texas, say they, — the land of the pirate and the murderer, the 
common sewer into which is drained all the filth which is too abomi- 
nable even for the slaves states to endure — if Texas be annexed to 
the United States, then slavery will be forever entailed upon us, and 
the preponderance which will be given to the slave-holding interest 
in the councils of the nation, by that event, will render the freemen 
of tiie north but the serfs of a southern task-master. If Texas be 
not annexed, then the Union will be dissolved ; a slave-holding con- 
federacy will be formed, and slavery forever perpetuated. 



EDMUND QUINCT. 

I am sure thai no man can deprecate more .sincerely than I do, the 
annexation of Texas to this union. I believe that I realize all the 
immediate and all the remote hearings which that event would have 
upon the great cause of Universal Freedom. There is no effort which 
I would not make— no sacrifice to which I would not gladly submit 
-to avert that most hateful alliance. But were it accomplished to- 
morrow, should I despair ? Should I despondingly abandon the 
cause of Gotl and liberty on that account, and believe that the trickery 
of a handful of scurvy politicians at Washington could cancel the 
decree registered in the chancery of heaven— that every slave shall be 
free ? Should I even believe that the period of universal emancipa- 
tion would be very much delayed by that event ? No, sir. The only 
effect which such a blow would have upon me, and which I believe 
it would have upon every Abolitionist, would be to make me feel that 
a great work was to be done in a short time. That we must concen- 
trate all our efforts, and multiply all our machinery for acting upon 
the public mind, before the young dragon bv the banks of the Sabine 
be fully grown, and before she have engendered a brood like unto 
herself, to be arrayed by her side against the cause of God and free- 
dom. 

Whenever proclamation is made that the union of these states is 
dissolved, 0:1 that day the rleath-knell of slavery is tolled. As soon 
a.s they arc rel( ased from the fatal embrace of their northern friends, 
their patriarchal system falls to the ground. It is the sympathy and 
encouragement of the free states which sustain that system now. 
Ixjt the lies of interest, which create that false sympathy, be severed] 
and it vanishes; stifled humanity revives, and" the oppressor must 
soon break his rod for very shame. It is a strange infatuation to sup- 
pose that any military force, or any custom house regulations, could 
keep from the inhabitants of any country the influence of the whole- 
some public opinion of neighboring nations, and the scorn of ths 
civilized world. 



The Americans of our revolution then fought for their own liberty, 
and through their example of successful resistance, for the liberty of 
the world, But the Texans are fighting for slavery among themselves, 
and if success crown their desperate efforts, they will have fought 
for the perpetuity of slavery throughout the world. The wishes of 
the Te.xian.^ are now for their annexation to these United States of 
America. If they be admitted into the union, a deep, perhaps one 
of the deepest blows that can be struck, will have been inflicted on 
the rights of man ; the name of liberty will have been profaned, her 
spirit disgraced, and her fair presence banished for a time, perhaps 
forever, from ' the land of the free, and the home of the brave.* 
As Texas rebelled against Mexico, because the institutions of domes- 
tic slavery could not exist in that nation, she, of course, would not 
ask for admission into our union, unless permitted to enter with all 
her slavish retinue. She deserted Mexico, because Mexico is a free 
state ; she now begs in the name of liberty, and with the prayer of 
freemen, to be united with the United States, because here under the 



TEXAS. 



star-spangled banner of our republic, she can legally fasten iron chains 
on the bodies, and the far worse than iron chains, the corroding ma- 
nacles of ignorance and servitude on, in, and all around the minds 
of her slaves. — The Pawtucket Chronicle. 



Texas. — Shall this land of slavery, this immense reservoir of col 
lected abominations, become an integral part of this nation ? 

The avowed object is to secure ' the safety and repose of the south- 
ern states :' that is, in plain King's English, to rivet the chains of 
slavery not on the slave only but the nation. 

In Rome, next to crucifixion the most infamous punishment con- 
sisted in lashing to the felon's back a dead and putrefying carcass. 
That we as a nation have reached the point of criminality at which 
justice might righteously doom us to carry ' this body of death,' is 
what we dare not deny. But we are called upon to bind the burden 
on our own backs — to do it freely — and by a deliberate act of na- 
tional legislation, to proclaim that we are worthy of the infamous 
punishment, and are ready to bow down and bear it ! 

What then is to be done ? Petition Congress. This is a legiti- 
mate remedy. On this question all may unite, except the slave-holder, 
without distinction of party, sect, or place. Let public sentiment 
then, concentrating its decisive and determined energies into one loud 
and defening veto, meet the proposed measure on the threshold. Let 
it be seen that however artfully the demon of oppression may lay his 
plans, the friends of freedom are prepared at every point to meet him. 
— Cleveland Journal. 



LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT. 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, That the 
Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested 
to use their influence in that body to prevent the annexation of Texas 
to the union. 

That, representing as we do the people of Vermont, we do, here- 
by, in their name, solemnly protest against such annexation in any 
form. 

That as the representatives of the people of Vermont, we do so- 
lemnly protest against the admission into this union, of any state 
whose constitution tolerates domestic slavery- 

That congress have full power by the constitution, to abolish sla- 
very and the slave trade in the district of Columbia and in the terri- 
tories of the United States. 

That our senators in congress be instructed and our representatives 
requested to present the foregoing report and resolutions to their re- 
spective houses in congress, and use their influence to carry the same 
speedily into effect. 

That the governor of this state be requested to transmit a copy of 
the foregoing report and resolutions to the president of the United 
States, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress. 

November 1, 1837. 



TEXAS. 

By the House also resolved, That congress has the constitutional 
power to prohibit the slave trade between the several states of this 
union, and to make such laws as shall effectually prohibit such trade. 

THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF OHIO. 

Resolved, That in the name and on behalf of the people of Ohio, 
we do hereby protest against the annexation of the republic of Texas 
to the union of these states, as unjust, inexpedient, and destructive 
of the peace, safety, and well-being of the nation ; and we do, in the 
name and on behalf of the said people solemnly declare that congress 
has no power conferred on it by the constitution of the United States, 
to consent to such annexation ; and that the people of Ohio cannot 
be bound by any such covenant, league or arrangement, made be- 
tween congress and any foreign state or nation. 

MEMORIAL. 

To the senate and house of representatives of the United States 
of America, in congress assembled. 

The memorial of the convention for the formation of an anti-sla- 
very society for the state of Pennsylvania, assembled at Harrisburg, 
respectfully sheweth, 

That your memorialists have learned with sorrow and alarm, that 
a proposition is at this time before your honorable body, to recognize 
the independence of the government assumed to be established by the 
insurgents of Texas. Against this measure, your memorialists in be- 
half of themselves, of the thousands whom they represent, and of 
the principles Ion'; cherished by the people of Pennsylvania ; in the 
name of liberty, justice, and humanity enter their SOLEMN AND 
UNITED PROTEST. 

Facts incontrovertible, which have come to the knowledge of your 
memorialists, warrant the belief that the insurrection in Texas, has 
been aided by citizens of the United States, that its main object, the 
grand cause of the movement, as evinced by the sentiments and con. 
duct of its advocates, and by the very constitution of their assumed 
government, is the establishment of domestic slavery, the re-opening 
of an immense slave market— to set up anew the shambles for human 
flesh, where the abhorrent traffic had been arrested and abolished by 
the legitimate authorities of Mexico— and finally, to annex the terri- 
tory to the United States. From a regard to the national honor ; for 
the character of the age in which we live; by their obligations to 
posterity ; and above all to the God of justice, your memorialists feel 
themselves called upon as Pennsylvanians, the representatives of free- 
men and christians, to offer their strong remonstrance against any 
act on the part of the country of which they are citizens, which shall 
sanction or recognize a government which owes its origin to the base 
and unhallowed purpose of re-establishing slavery upon the soil of 
liberty. 

Your memorialists, therefore, respectfully but earnestly entreat 
your honorable body, to reject the proposition for the recognition of 



TEXAS. 

the government, assumed to be established by the insurgents of Texas, 
as well as all attorn p s that may be made to connect it with the United 
States,- and as in duly bound we will ever pray, &c. 

Signed in behalf of the Convention, 
F. JULIUS LE MOYNE, President. 

B. F. Allen, Wra. A. Adair, Benjamin Brown, Nathan Stein, Jo- 
seph M'Truman, Lindley Coates, Bartholomew Fussel, VVm. H. 
Fussels, Vice-Presidents, 

James Rhoads, Henry Duffield, Benjamin S.Jones, Wm. B. Thomas, 
A. L. Post, Secretaries. 



NEW-YORK STATE A. S. CONVENTION 

Resolved, That we regard the influence and efforts of American 
citizens, in exciting and supporting an insurrectionary war in Mexico, 
with loathing and horror. 

That the south, in countenancing and encouraging insurrectionary 
movements in Mexico, has madly lent herself to assist in forging and 
sharpening the knife of the insurgent for her own defenceless throat. 

That we feel disgraced and outraged by the efforts of American 
citizens to lestore slavery to Texas; and that to the utmost of our 
power lawfully exercised, we will resist and call upon others to resist 
the introduction of Texas into our republic. 



The sympathy which exists in behalf of Texas at the south, looks 
to other objects than the mere defence of that country. Texas is de- 
sired as an appendage to the strength of the south. They wish it 
annexed to the union, that the balance of power may still be found 
on the feeble side of' Mason and Dixon's line.' Once let the cry for 
succor be rung through the land, and the annexation of Texas, they 
imagine, will be as easy as it is desirable. So reasons the south. Let 
the north reason otherwise. The Texians arc not deserving of aid or 
sympathy. The invasion of that country by Santa Anna, is not un- 
prov ked. It is in a great measure justified, in retaliation for the 
Santa Fe expedition, which had for its avowed purpose the subjuga- 
tion and pillage of Mexico. The Texians have provoked the assault, 
and now they must abide the consequences, unless a fool-hardy and 
absurd idea prevails, that we must succor these men, because Texas 
affords a refuge for outlaws and desperadoes for the whole continent 
of North America. — Phila. Gaz. 



There is little reason to believe that the independence of Texas 
would have been acknowledged if there had been any previous ap- 
prehension, in the minds of the people at large, that such an event 
was about to take place. Remonstrance upon remonstrance would 
have been poured upon the national legislature. But there was no 
effort, because there was no alarm. The message of president Jack- 
son, and the speech of Gov. McDuflie, (whatever might have been 
intended by those documents,) undoubtedly had the effect to make the 
almost universal impression that no attempt would be made during 
the session, to acknowledge the independence of Texas. The im- 



pression that it would not be attempted, was without doubt, the prin- 
cipal secret of its success. The friends of liberty and the union 
should see well to it that they are not caught slumbering a second 
tune, on their posts. If they are, they must not be surprised if the 
wreck of our free institutions should finally prove to have been owing 
to their own inactivity and supiheness. We call on all good citizens 
and especially on those who have influence with the individuals now 
in power, to step forward at a crisis like the present, and save the 
administration, by saving the country from blood guiltiness, from re. 
tribution, from disgrace, disaster, and irretrievable ruin. — Friend of 
Ma::. 



Message of President Jackson to the House of Reorssentativss, 
December 22, 1836. 
"The acknowledgment of a new state as independent and entitled 
to a place in the family of nations, is at all times an act of great 
delicacy and responsibility: bul more especially so, when such stato 
has forcibly separated itself from another, of which it had formed an 
integral part, and which still claims dominion over it. A premature 
recognition, se circumstances, if not looked upon as justi- 

fiable cause of war, i'- always liable to be regarded as a proof of an 
unfriendly spiri! b> one of the contending parties." 

Extracl from the general order of General Jackson, for the execu- 
tion of Arbuthnot and Ambrister: '-It is an established principle of 
the law of nations, that any individual, of any nation, making war 
againsi the citizens of another nation, they being at peace, forfeits 
his allegianc< i les an out'aw and a pirate." 

If th:s principle is correct, then by the rules of war, Santa Anna 
was right in executing the prisoners that he took in Texas, for they 
\vre, mosi of them, confessedly of this country. Here were their 
re a !ove of plunder and of glory induced them to go to 
Texas, to fight against a government with which their native coun- 
try was at peace. — Liberator. 

WILLIAM B. TAPPAN. 
A Irnit her to the Union ? Yes ! 

If our democracy can bow 
To kings, and is prepared to kiss 

The loathsome hem of tyrants now. 
From principles that years have tried 

If thus we fall, no longer men, 
And to our fathers' deeds of pride 

Are recreant — why admit her then ! 
If slavery's foul and damning spot 

Must here increase like Ahab's cloud, 
Blackening the moral heavens till not 

One star shall blaze upon the proud ; 
If thus, a spectacle of scorn 

To nations, we're content, — let men 
Lift up the consummated horn 

Of infamy — admit her then ! 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

Annexation of Texas. — Resolutions in favor of annexing Texas 
to the United States have passed the Texan Congress. It will how- 
ever take two to make a bargain. The people of this country will 
never sanction it unless slavery is first abolished — and perhaps not 
then. We have too much territory now. — Souihport (Illinois,) 
American. 



EDWARD EVERETT. 

Whatever step we take towards annexation, is gratuitous. This 
whole subject has been so ably discussed by Dr. Channing, in his 
recent letter to Mr. Clay, that it would be superfluous to enlarge up. 
on it. I will only say that if, at this moment, when an all import- 
ant experiment is in train, to abolish slavery by peaceful and legal 
means in the British West Indies, the United States, instead of imi- 
tating their example or even awaiting their result, should rush into 
a policy of giving an indefinite extension to slavery over a vast re- 
gion incorporated into their Union, we should stand condemned be- 
fore the civilized world. It would be in vain to expect to gain 
credit for any further professions of a willingness to be rid of sla- 
very as soon as possible. No extenuation of its existence, on the 
ground of its having been forced upon the country in its colonial 
state, would any longer avail us. It would be thought, and thought 
justly, that lust of power and lust of gold had made us deaf to the 
voice of humanity and justice. We should be self-convicted of the 
enormous crime of having voluntarily given the greatest possible en- 
largement to an evil, which, in concert with the rest of mankind, 
we had affected to deplore, and that at a time when the public sen- 
timent of the civilized world, more than at any former period, is 
aroused to its magnitude. 

There are other objections to the measure, drawn from its bear- 
ing on our foreign relations, but it is unnecessary to discuss them. 
Answer to Questions of his Constituents, 1837 



MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE, 1843 

Resolves against the annexation of Texas to the Union. 

Resolved, That under no circumstances wha'soever can the peo- 
ple of Massachusetts regard the proposition to admit Texas into the 
Union, in any other light than as dangerous to its continuance in 
peace, in prosperity, and in the enjoyment of those blessings which 
it is the object of a free government to secure. 

Resolved, That the Senators and Representatives of Massachu- 
setts, in the Congress of the United Slates, be requested to spare no 
exertions to oppose, and if possible to prevent the adoption of the 
proposition referred to. 

Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor, be requested to 
transmit one copy of these resolutions to the Executive of each of 
the United States, and a iike copy to each Senator and Represents 
tive in Congress from Massachusetts. 



ANTI-TEXAS. 



THE FREE AMERICAN. 



The success of the slaveholders thus far in disposing of the sub- 
ject of petitions and compelling their Northern satellites to lie still, 
and be trampled on ; the very affectionate and paternal expressions 
of the President's message towards our "daughter," republic; the 
unveiled anxiety of the South to find a balance weight in the Sen- 
ate for the new States of Iowa and Wisconsin, both of which will 
have Senators here in the 28th Congress ; the certainty that it is 
" Now or never" with them, and the strong ground of encourage- 
ment that they may now succeed, leave no room for doubt that either 
by a direct application from Texas to Congress, or by negociation 
with Mexico, confidentially, well understood to be agreeable to the 
leaders in Texas, there will be a more strenuous and determined ef- 
fort than lias ever yet been made to secure the annexation of Tex- 
as to the United States. The only formal difficulty on our part, to 
a negociation with Mexico, to-wit, that we have fully acknowledg- 
ed the independence of Texas herself, can never be allowed to stand 
in the way of so great an object, especially when the whole thing 
is in the hands of slaveholders, and still more when the only party 
in interest to object, to-wit, Texas, is actually in favor of the trans- 
fer. — J. Lcavitt. 



THE LIBERATOR. 

Although the south has been defeated in her first attempt to an- 
nex the stolen and blood stained territory of Texas to this Union, 
yet it must not be supposed that she means to give up the project 
as hopeless, without making fresh exertions to carry it into effect. 
When she put her robber-hand upon Texas, and wrested it from 
Mexico, she did not dream of creating an independent slave-holding 
country by her side ; nor did she anticipate the amount of opposition 
that would be called forth on the part of the partially abolitionizcd 
north, against the daring proposition to unite Texas with this coun- 
try. She does not mean to be foiled in her purpose, but is unques- 
tionably watching for a favorable opportunity, when northern sus- 
picion is slumbering, to carry the measure in Congress by the same 
device that she procured the acknowledgment of Texan independ- 
ence, Hear the Natchez Free Trader on this subject, in a recent 
number : — " We have reason to believe, from some advices, that a 
new proposition relative to the union of Texas with this country 
will be brought forward by a distinguished gentleman, at the next 
session of Congress, under very favorable auspices." This warning 
is fairly given, and it behoves the non-slaveholding States to be pre- 
pared for the conflict. They must never consent to such an an- 
nexation on any terms. Sooner let the Union be dashed to pieces. 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

THE LIBERTY PRESS. 

Be assured that a fixed and unalterable determination is entertain, 
ed by the slaveholders of the South to have Texas annexed to this 
Union early next session. In addition to the evidences of this con- 
tained in the Resolutions of Tennessee, Alabama, &c, the general 
tone of the Southern press, the express declarations of Henry A. 
Wise made last session, the appointment of Waddy Thompson as 
Minister to Mexico, the recent letter of Governor Gilmer, of Vir- 
ginia, the assurance of Mr. Adams that this is and will continue to 
be a measure vehemently urged by the South, so long as they have 
the least hope of securing it, we now have from a reliable source 
some further information in reference to it. A member of Congress 
from one of the ultra-slaveholding States has a friend in Texas^who 
has just written him, detailing their wretched and despairing con- 
dition there. They have neither money nor credit to carry on the 
war, are in daily expectation of invasion, are so utterly bankrupt in 
property and character at home and abroad that they can get no 
aid, and unless they can ultimately be annexed to the United States, 
that there is absolutely no hope for them ! ! He says if invaded 
they can make a sudden and temporary rally, and defend themselves, 
but they can neither raise nor sustain an army for continued ser- 
vice. 

It is a case of life or death with them, and the South know it. 
This member of Congress said to another with whom he conversed, 
and to whom he shewed the letter, we must and shall have Texas 
annexed soon — probably not this Congress, but early the next session. 
But can you expect to get Northern votes to aid in this project ? Yes, 
we do expect to, and we shall get them, too, replied the former, and 
once haying secured the object, if the Northern folks don't like it, 
let the dissolution of the Union come — we are prepared for it ! ! The 
Texians are bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, and must be 
sustained. Mr. Calhoun and President Tyler are well known to be 
in favor of it. 

The Southern policy is to say as little about it as possible be- 
forehand, so that the masses in the North need not be aroused, and 
when the deed is once done, they anticipate a grumbling acquies- 
cence, as in similar instances heretofore- Several members of Con- 
gress have been writing into their districts, sounding the alarm. 

THE NEW-YORK AMERICAN. 

So, then, it is only necessary for a gang of plunderers and out- 
laws to declare themselves a party of emigrants, (armed to the teeth 
though they be,) and they can go on in their lawless career unmo- 
lested. Well, then, as it is a poor rule that will not work both 
ways, let us reverse the case. Let us suppose another South Caro- 
lina nullification affair. Let us suppose matters to be brought to 
such a pass, as to involve the general government and South Caro- 
lina in civil war. And now for emigrating parties. Fleets and ar- 
mies come from Mexico and Great Britain, and various other quar- 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

ters, to aid South Carolina in its revolt against the national govern- 
ment. That Government remonstrates against such proceedings, as a 
violation of neutrality, or even as an attempt to overthrow the govern. 
merit itself. To all its remonstrances ; to all its complaints that 
those armies and fleets were openly raised and fitted out, and that 
they sailed " with drums beating, and fifes playing," for the land of 
nullification ; the reply of those foreign governments should be, that 
those forces called themselves emigrating parties. Think ye, that 
our government would be satisfied with this? And who can tell but 
this supposition may yet become history ? Who can say, that some 
American Cataline, some Arnold, or Shays, or Burr, will not yet 
rear the standard of rebellion against the government, and be aided 
in this very way by the "emigrant" fleets and armies of those gov- 
ernments that wish to see our republican institutions overthrown ? 
We should remember the scripture maxim : " With the same mea- 
sure that ye mete, it shall be measured to you again." 

These Texan emissaries appealed to the passions of our people 
something after the manner following, as portrayed by a Mexican 
writer : 

" They claimed the assistance of the Americans as brothers ; but 
they took care to say nothing about how they had cheated these 
brothers before they went to Texas. They told them the Mexicans 
are cruel, treacherous and cowardly ; but they took care to say 
nothing about their own deceitful, and treacherous conduct to the 
Moxicans. They told them that the Mexican government, instead 
of nourishing and cherishing the people of Texas, was their robber 
o.nd oppressor ; but they carefully concealed, that the Mexicans had 
u them lands for nothing — had never called upon them for any 
ice whatever — allowed them even the free exercise of their re- 
.1 — and that their only robbers and oppressors were their fellow 
citizens of the United Slates, who wanted to seize their lands. 
They told them that in colonizing Texas, the Mexican government 
owed them a favor, and not they to the Mexican government, but 
they made no reference to the fact, that in the United States, every 
territory was settled in the same manner, and that, too, after paying 
well for the land, which they did not" — in Texas. " They assured 
them that the Mexicans were bringing the savage Indians to mur- 
der them ; but they concealed that the Mexican troops protected 
them from those very Indians, and that if the Indians are hostile, it 
is on account of indignities offered by the Texans, and of being de- 
prived of their lands by them. They spoke most pathetically of 
hunger, thirst, dangers innumerable, and evils inexpressible in Tex- 
as, all owing to the vile Mexicans ; but they confessed not the 
truth, namely, that from the Mexicans they not only got lands, but 
also flocks and herds, and that the hardships incident to all new set. 
tlements were scarcely ever felt in Texas. They declared, that it 
was not they who were the aggressors, but the Mexican govern- 
ment, without any provocation whatever; but they omitted the fact, 
that the Mexican government had granted every law they wanted ; 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

promised protection to all orderly settlers ; and only wanted to pun- 
ish and expel land speculators and jobbers, who had introduced 
themselves from the United States, with slaves. They tempted 
them with the large tracts of fertile land that the grateful Texians 
would allow them for their assistance against the Mexicans ; but 
they (the land jobbers) concealed, that they themselves, by false 
titles and usurpation, pretended a right to all the lands in Texas 
that were valuable ; that they wanted to resist the Mexican govern- 
ment, to preserve these lands unlawfully acquired ; and that the 
Texans, in place of sympathizing with them, hated them as spoilers 
of the commonwealth, and disturbers of the public peace." 

JUSTITIA. 



NEW- YORK TRIBUNE. 

We have received communications on both sides of the question 
of consenting to the Annexation of Texas to our Federal Union. 
W r e cannot make room for them, deeming it incredible that any sane 
man should favor such Annexation, and having no room to waste 
on fighting shadows. Whenever the question shall be brought be- 
fore the country by the advocates of Annexation, we shall be found 
among the most determined, untiring opposers of any such measure- 
Our country is quite large enough now ; Texas is burthened with 
war and debt ; her people are too generally improvident and idle, and 
we would far sooner spare many more such than take them back 
again. Besides, any attempt to annex Texas to the Union would 
excite the bitterest jealousy and hostility in England, France, and 
throughout the civilized world. Why not let well enough alone ? 
If the Texans prefer to live in the United Slates, they in easily 

come back here — far more easily than they can maintain elves 

where they are. 

We have reports that the Southern States favor the Annexation, 
but do not yet find evidence to confirm them. Why should the 
South seek needlessly to renew the perils of the Missouri controver- 
sy ? — to throw the whole subject of Slavery into the arena of party 
politics and bar-room altercation ? No, no: the old and safe rule of our 
International policy— " Equal justice to all; entangling alliances 
with none," — must be adhered to, or we shall be afloat on a fathom- 
less, shoreless sea of troubles. Let us be wise now. — Nov. 1842. 



PITTSBURGH GAZETTE. 

We are fearful that the importance and truth of Mr. Adams's re. 
marks in reference to the conspiracy existing among slavcholding 
politicians, to annex Texas to the Union, will not be felt by the peo- 
ple generally, until they wake up to find the object of the conspira- 
cy consummated, or so nearly consummated that insistence will be 
hopeless. 

If, through supineness and indifference, the North permits this 
great object of the South to be accomplished, there will be an end 
of all independence and free legislation, on the part of the free 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

States. We shall then hecome the vassals of the southern taskmas- 
ter. A sufficient number of States can be carried out of Texas, to 
give the South the balance of power forever. They will then have 
both the power of numbers and the power resulting from a common 
interest in an immense amount of property. 

Can any lover of his country look upon this prospect of entailing 
upon us the power, the influence and enormities of American sla- 
very, through all time, without a feeling of horror and indignation; 
and yet there cannot be the slightest doubt that such is the design 
of the South. The following article, from the Cincinnati Gazette, 
commenting on an article from the Union, the organ of Tyler, in 
New-York city, is worthy of attention. The remarks of the Union 
are strongly corroborative of the statements of Mr. Adams, and 
show that there is danger, — danger near at hand, and of a most 
alarming character. The present unprincipled occupant of the 
Presidential chair is a firm believer in the sentiment that "what the 
law declares to be property, is property :" and that " two hundred 
years of legislation has sanctioned and sanctified negro slaves as 
property." Acting on this belief, he is bending all his exertions to 
perpetuate the existence of this great evil. Let every patriot and 
friend of human rights ponder well on this subject. The Gazette 
says: 

" There are those who affect to laugh at Mr. Adams's views as 
regards the annexation of Texas to this Union. We believe his 
statements ; and furthermore we believe that it is the intention of a 
large portion of the politicians now in power to secure this object. 
The plan, as we understand it, is to guarantee the independence of 
Texas, and, if practicable, to go further, and secure its annexation 
to this country." 

Texas. — Memorials against the admission of Texas into the union 
ought to be industriously circulated through the country, for every 
body to sign, and he poured in at the next. Congress in clouds. Tiie 
admission of Texas into the union, would be the death warrant of 
that union. It might linger out a short and painful existence after- 
wards, but what would remain of life after admitting Texas, would 
be like the life of man after 70 — 

" We rather sigh and groan than live."— Lynn Record. 

We trust for our country's sake and happiness — for our liberty 
and union and peace — that this most extravagant scheme about to 
be renewed, of annexing Texas, which is twice as large as Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia united — to her already bloated Territory, will be 
frowned down by the universal people. A union resting as one ter- 
minus on the Pacific Ocean, as another on Mexico, as a third on 
N. Brunswick and the Atlantic, could not be held together for six 
months. It would crumble to pieces by its own weight, and over- 
whelm all in its ruins. Or, if it was kept consolidated, it would on- 
ly be by the agency, of some despotic principle, which could bury 
the Liberty and happiness of the American people in one common 
grave. — Richmond Whig 



5* 



ANTI-TEXAS. 




SANTA-ANNA. 

How can we style him a tyrant, who benevolently offered the 
southern planters the noble privilege of tilling the land in the Prov- 
ince of Texas, and that, too exempt from taxation for ten years ? 
Can we call Santa-Anna a tyrant, who in 1829, passed a decree 
that there should be no slaves held in his dominions after that year ? 
Can we call him a tyrant, who opposed the efforts of rebels, and 
used them with deserved severity ? Do we call him a tyrant, who 
fought and bled in a cause whose principles are. immortal, and are 
from the authority of God ? — who to contravene the efforts of those 
who wished to substantiate more firmly the horrible system of sla- 
very. Justice and equity — right and wrong, remain the same, not- 
withstanding the customs of man being vitiated by corruption, and 
he calls that injustice which opposes him. Yes, Santa A.nna too 
well knew that there was no crime, however dreadful, that the sys- 
tem of slavery did not tolerate and generate, and that a nation, how- 
ever prosperous and wealthy, would fall into anarchy under its 
deadly influence. 

When Congress had not declared war with Mexico, what folly 
was it for the troops of this nation to assume the power of commit, 
ting hostilities ? So far have men been swallowed up in iniquity, that 
their return for benevolence is foul revelry and devastating destruc- 
tion. These things cannot continue long in such a state, where the 
fundamental principles of human unalienable rights are so impetu- 
ously opposed. As christians, we cannot but believe, that such 
conduct will ere long, call down the irresistable wrath and judg- 
ment of an immutable and offended God. — Woonsocket Patriot. 

Much exultation is manifested by certain editors at the Texian 
success of arms, as an advance of civil liberty. We could most cordi- 
ally respond to their rejoicings did we believe that such would be 
the result. We have a totally different opinion of the subject. We 
believe it will be to extend and perpetuate Slavery — to rivet more 
firmly the shackles of the oppressed African, and that the hue and 
cry for Texian liberty, means in fact no more than liberty to hold 
slaves, and that the Constitution of the United States, should it ev- 
er be extended over them, guaranteeing to them, in letter, " life, lib- 
erty, and property," would be to all but the lordly master, " a rheto- 
rical flourish." — Hampshire Republican. 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

WILLIAM H. BURLEIGH. 

Ho ! for the rescue ! ye who part 
Parents from children — heart from heart — 
Up ! " patriarchs" — and gather round, 
Ye who sell infants by the pound ! 
The land of chivalry and chains, 
Whose priests have sanctified pollution, 
Pours in her ruffians from her plains, 
And Houston still with them, maintains 
Our " patriarchal institution !" 

Shout for the onset ! till the North, 
Startled, shall quit her little knavery, 

And pour her choicest scoundrels forth 
To fight for Texas lands and — slavery ! 

Shout for our homes and household altars, 

Where justice comes not with her halters! 

Where proudly walk our ranks among, 

The forger and the " great unhung !" 
Where Houston, chief of San Jacinto, 

Arrayed in Presidential dignity, 
Reckless, remorseless, plunges into 
Crimes which " Old Nick" would scarce begin to, 

With all his lust and dire malignity ! 

These be thy Gods, oh Texas ! — these ! — 

Tried heroes, dipped in lust and blood — 
From justice sturdy refugees, 

And outcasts from the wise and good I 
Then fling abroad our glorious star, 
And gather for victorious war — 
Led on by such, our arms shall be 
Bulwarks and walls for slavery ! 

Ho ! Texians ! for the battle cry — 
44 Alamo ! vengeance to the foeman I" 

Fling out your banner to the sky, 

Maintain — or in the struggle die ; 
The glorious right of— flogging woman. 
August 25th, 1837. 

Oppressed by Britain, we threw off the chain : 
A worse oppression we ourselves maintain, 
Texas has sins for which she should atone : 
Shall we take her's, and thus increase our own ? 
Shall we pursue a course which Heaven abhors, 
And bind our freemen, slaves to unjust laws ? 
Forbid it, Heaven ! nor let it e'er be said, 
That 'twas for this our fathers fought and bled ; 
Let not their sons erase their well earned fame, 
Eclipse their glory in a nation's shame. — Louis. Jour, 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

Whereas this limited Government possesses no power to extend 
its jurisdiction over any foreign nation ; and no foreign nation, 
country, or people, can be admitted into this Union but by the sov- 
ereign will and act of the free people of all and each of these United 
States ; nor without the formation of a new compact of union, and 
another frame of government radically different in objects, principles 
and powers, from that which was framed for our own self-govern- 
ment, and deemed to be adequate to all the exigencies of our own 
free Republic : Therefore, 

Resolved, That we have witnessed with deep concern the indi- 
cations of a disposition to bring into this Union, as a constituent 
member thereof, the foreign province or territory of Texas. 

Resolved, That although we are fully aware of the consequences 
which must follow the accomplishment of such a project, could it be 
accomplished — aware that it would lead speedily to the conquest 
and annexation of Mexico itself, and its fourteen remaining provin- 
ces or intendencies, which, together with the revolted province of 
Texas, would furnish foreign territories and foreign people for at 
least twenty members of the new Union. That it would load the 
nation with debt and taxes, and, by involving it in perpetual war 
and commotions, both foreign and internal, would furnish a pretence 
(which a state of war never fails to furnish) for the assumption and 
exercise of powers incompatible with our free republican institu- 
tions, and subversive of the liberties of the People. That the gov- 
ernment of a nation so extended and so constructed would soon be- 
come radically changed in character, if not in form ; would una- 
voidably become a military government, and, under the plea of ne- 
cessity, would free itself from the restraints of the Constitution, and 
from its accountability of the People. 

That we are fully aware of the deep degradation into which this 
young Republic would sink itself, in the eyes of the whole world, 
should it annex to its own vast territories other and foreign territo- 
ries of immense though unknown extent, for the purpose of encourag- 
ing the propagation of slavery, and promoting the raising of slaves 
within its own bosom — the very bosom of freedom — to be exported 
and sold in those unhallowed regions. Although we are fully aware 
of these fearful evils, and numberless others which would come in 
their train, yet we do not here dwell upon them, because we are firm 
]y convinced that the free People of most, and we trust of all these 
States, will never suffer the admission of the foreign territory of Tex- 
as into this Union as a constituent member thereof; will never suf- 
fer the integrity of this Republic to be violated, either by the intro- 
duction and addition to it of foreign nations or territories, one or ma- 
ny, or by the dismemberment of it by the transfer of any or more of 
its members to a foreign nation. The People will be aware, that, 
should one foreign State or country be introduced, another and an- 
other may be, without end, whether situated in South America, in 
the West India islands, or in any other pare of the world ; and that 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

a single foreign State thus admitted, might have in its power, by 
holding the balance between contending parties, to wrest their own 
Government from the hands and control of the People by whom it 
was established for their own benefit and self-government. We are 
firmly convinced that the free People of these States will look upon 
any attempt to introduce the foreign territory of Texas, or any other 
foreign territory or nation, into this Union, as a constituent member 
or members thereof, as manifesting a willingness to prostrate the 
Constitution and dissolve the Union. 

Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be requested to for- 
ward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our Senators and 
Representatives in Congress, and to each of the Executives of the 
several States, with a request that the same may be laid before the 
respective Legislatures of said States. 
A true copy — witness : 

HENRY BOWEN, Sec. of State. 

LEGISLATURE OF MICHIGAN. 

"Whereas propositions have been made for the annexation of Tex- 
as to the United States, with a view to its ultimate incorporation in- 
to the Union : 

" And whereas the extension of this General Government over so 
large a country on the Southwest, between which and that of the 
original States there is little affinity, and les3 identity of interests, 
would tend, in the opinion of this Legislature, greatly to disturb the' 
safe and harmonious operations of the Government of the United 
States, and put in imminent danger the continuance of this happy 
Union : Therefore, 

« Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the State of Michigan, That in behalf, and in the name of, the 
State of Michigan, this Legislature doth hereby dissent from, and 
solemnly protest against, the annexation, for any purpose, to this 
Union, of Texas, or any territory or district of country heretofore 
constituting a part of the dominions of Spain in America, lying 
west or southwest of Louisiana." 



TO THE PEOPLE OF THE FREE STATES OF THE 
UNION. 

We, the undersigned, in closing our duties to our constituents and 
our country, as members of the 27th Congress, feel bound to call 
your attention, very briefly, to the project long entertained by a por- 
tion of the people of these United States, still pertinaciously adher. 
ed to, and intended soon to be consummated — the annexation of 
Texas to the Union. 

The open and repaeted enlistment of troops in several States of 
this Union in aid of the Texan revolution ; the intrusion of an 
American army, by order of the President, far into the territory of 
the Mexican Government, at a moment critical to the fate of the in. 
surgents, under pretence of preventing Mexican soldiers from fo- 



ANTI-TEXAS. 

menting Indian disturbances, but in reality in aid of, and acting in 
singular concert and coincidence with, the army of the revolution 
ists; the entire neglect of our Government to adopt any efficient 
measures to prevent the most unwarrantable aggressions of bodies 
of our own citizens, enlisted, organized, and officered within our own 
borders, and marched in arms and battle array upon the territory, 
and against the inhabitants of a friendly Government, in aid of free- 
booters and insurgents ; and the premature recognition of the in- 
dependence of Texas, by a snap vote, at the heel of a session of 
Congress, and that, too, at the very session when President Jackson 
had, by special message, insisted that " the measure would be con- 
trary to the policy invariably observed by the United States, in all 
similar cases, would be marked with great injustice to Mexico, and 
peculiarly liable to the darkest suspicions, inasmuch as the Texans 
were almost all emigrants from the United States, and sought the re- 
cognition ot their independence with the avowed purpose of obtain- 
ing their annexation to the United States ;" these occurrences are 
too well known and too fresh in the memory of all to need more than 
a passing notice. These have become matters of history. For fur- 
ther evidence on all these and other important points, we refer to 
the memorable speech of John Quincy Adams, delivered in the 
House of Representatives during the morning hours of June and Ju- 
ly, 1838, and to his address to his constituents, delivered at Brain- 
tree, September 17, 1842. 

Tne open avowal of the Texans themselves, the frequent and anx- 
ious negotiations of our own Government, the resolutions of vari- 
ous States of the Union, the numerous declarations of members of 
Congress, the tone of the Southern press, as well as the direct ap- 
plication of the Texan Government, make it impossible for any man 
to doubt that annexation and the formation of several new slave- 
holding States and the Executive of the nation. 

The same references will show, very conclusively, that the par- 
ticular objects of this new acquisition of slave territory were the per- 
petuation of slavery and the continued ascendancy of the slave 
power. 

We hold that there is not only " no political necessity" for it, " no 
advantages to be derived from it," but that there is no constitution- 
al power delegated to any department of the National Government, 
to authorize it ; that no act of Congress, or treaty for annexation, 
can impose the least obligation upon the several States of this Un- 
ion to submit to such an unwarrantable act, or to receive into their 
family and fraternity such misbegotten and illegitimate progeny. 

We hesitate not to say, that annexation, effected by any act or 
proceeding of the Federal Government, or any of its departments, 
w r ould be identical with dissolution. It would be a violation of our 
national compact, its objects, designs, and the great elementary 
principles which entered into its formation, of a character so deep 
and fundamental, and would be an attempt to eternize an institu- 
tion and a power of nature so unjust in themselves, so injurious to 






ANTI-TEXAS. 



the interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the free 
States, as, in our opinion, not only inevitably to result in a dissolu 
tionof the Union, but fully to justify it; and we not only assert 
that the people of the free States " ought not to submit to it," but 
we say, with confidence, they would not submit to it. We know 
their present temper and spirit on this subject too well to believe for 
a moment that they would become particeps criminis in any such 
subtle contrivance for the irremediable perpetuation of an institu- 
tion which the wisest and best men who formed our Federal Con- 
stitution, as well from the slaves as the free States, regarded as an 
evil and a curse, soon to become extinct under the operation of laws 
to be passed prohibiting the slave-trade, and the progressive influ- 
ence of the principles of the Revolution. 
Washington, March 3, 1843. 

John Quincy Adams, 
Seth M. Gates, 
William Slade, 
William B. Calhoun, 
Joshua R. Giddings, 
Sherlock J. Andrews, 
Nathaniel B. Borden, 
Thos. C. Chittenden, 
John Mattocks, 
Christopher Morgan, 
Joshua M. Howard, 
Victory Birdseye, 
Thomas A. Tomlinson, 
Staley N. Clark, 
Charles Hudson, 
Archibald L. Linn, 
Thomas W. Williams, 
Truman Smith, 
David Bronson, 
George N. Briggs. 



THE SLAVES OF SLAVERY. 

HENRY A. WISE. 

41 Let Texas once proclaim a crusade against the rich States to the 
Bouth of her, and in a moment, volunteers would flock to her stand- 
ard in crowds, from all the States in the great valley of the Missis- 
sippi — men of enterprise and valor before whom no Mexican troops 
could stand for an hour. They would leave their own towns, arm 
themselves, and travel on their own cost, and would come up in 
thousands, to plant the lone star of the Texan banner, on the Mexi- 
can capitol. They would drive Santa to the South, and the bound- 
less wealth of captured towns, and rifled churches, and a lazy, vic- 
ious and luxurious priesthood, would soon enable Texas to pay her 
soldiery, and redeem her State debt, and push her victorious arms 
to the very shores of the Pacific. And would not all this extend the 
bounds of slavery ? Yes, the result would be, that before another 
quarter of a century, the extension of slavery would not stop short 
of the Western Ocean. We had but two alternatives before us; 
either to receive Texas into our fraternity of States, and thus make 
her our own, or to leave her to conquer Mexico, and become our most 
dangerous and formidable rival. 

" To talk of restraining the people of the great Valley from emi- 
grating to join her armies, was all in vain ; and it was equally vain 
to calculate on their defeat by any Mexican forces, aided by Eng- 
land or not. They had gone once already ; it was they that con- 
quered Santa Anna, at San Jacinto ; and three fourths of them, af- 
ter winning that glorious field, had peaceably returned to their homes. 
But once set before them the conquest of the rich Mexican provin- 
ces, and you might as well attempt to stop the wind. This Gov- 
ernment might send its troops to the frontier, to turn them back, and 
they would run over them like a herd of buffalo. 

" Nothing could keep these booted loafers from rushing on, till 
they kicked the Spanish priests out of the temples they profaned." — 
Speech in Congress, April, 1842. 




THE EAGLE OF LIBERTY. 




THE FREE EAGLE OF MEXICO GRAPPLING THE 
COLD BLOODED VIPER, TYRANNY OR TEXAS. 



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